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Estudios de caso y Reportes

  • Country Case Studies on Electoral Costs
  • Iraq: Cost of Registration and Elections
    Author Jarrett Blanc discusses the approach to managing electoral costs in this seventh of nine case studies courtesy of the IFES-UNDP led Cost of Registration and Elections (CORE) Project.
  • Voter registration standards and country case studies
    Original question: At our electoral commission, we are, right now, undertaking an overall assessment with the purpose to identify and introduce possible improvements to our voter registration system.  I would like to know what are the main internationally-recognised standards to be taken in consideration for the system and procedures to compile, maintain and update a voter register. I would also be grateful to obtain - if possible - some examples of how voter registers are compiled, maintained and updated in other countries throughout the world. Any information you could provide on the above questions would be of a great help.   Quote from the ACE Encyclopaedia on Voter Registration: "Voter registration establishes the eligibility of individuals to cast a ballot. As one of the more costly, time-consuming and complex aspects of the electoral process, it often accounts for a considerable portion of the budget, staff time and resources of an election authority. If conducted well, voter registration confers legitimacy on the process. If the registration system is flawed, the entire process may be perceived as illegitimate".   ACE Network Facilitator's response: The best source to address the first part of your question on recognised international standards for voter registration -  is to refer you to the publication of International IDEA " International Electoral Standards: Guidelines for Reviewing the Legal Framework of Elections " (click on the link to download the full publication on a pdf format).  Included below are relevant excerpts from Chapter 7 of IDEA "Guidelines", which covers the subject of "Voter registration and voter registers": "The legal framework should require that voter registers be maintained in a manner that is transparent and accurate, protects the right of qualified citizens to register, and prevents the unlawful or fraudulent registration or removal of persons. Transparency The right to vote is violated if the legal framework makes it difficult for a person to register to vote, as normally a person who is not registered cannot legally vote. The right to vote is also violated if the legal framework fails to ensure accuracy in voter registers or facilitates fraudulent voting. The international standard for voter registration is that the register must be comprehensive, inclusive, accurate and up to date, and the process must be fully transparent. The process should facilitate the registration of a qualified voter, while at the same time safeguarding against the registration of ineligible persons. Some of the fundamental issues that must be clearly defined in the legal framework for elections are: citizenship and age qualifications  (see related links to ACE Encyclopaedia); residential qualifications; methods of voter registration  (see related links to ACE Encyclopaedia); process for dealing with objections and appeals; identification of voters; and documentation required by voters  (see related links to ACE Encyclopaedia).   All the above must be clearly stated, objectively determinable and not subject to arbitrary decision. Transparency requires that voter registers be public documents that can be monitored and made available for inspection at no cost to the requester. The legal framework should clearly specify who may inspect voter registers, how the inspection will take place, and the period when voter registers are available for public inspection. It should also specify who is permitted to request registration changes, additions and deletions, the procedure for making such requests, and during what time period such requests may be made. Requests for changes, additions and deletions in voter registers should only be limited to a minimum time period before a given election in order to finalize registers. A person should not be limited to making requests that relate only to herself/himself. When a person is permitted to make a request that affects another person, such other person must be notified of the request and be permitted to respond to the request. Changes, additions and deletions should be made only upon the presentation of specific documentation and in accordance with the procedure identified in the legislation. Before finalizing voter registers, in addition to the general public, all registered political parties should also be given notice of and provided access to such registers so that they may verify, object to or seek to add such names as they wish. Decisions on requests should be made expeditiously, within a set time period provided by the law. Decisions must be subject to appeal to be determined expeditiously, also within a set time-period. The legal framework may provide that the responsibility to register lies either with the individual - self-initiated voter registration where the individual voter has the responsibility to approach the registration authorities to get herself/himself registered - or with the state - state-initiated voter registration where the state, the EMB or other authorized body sends its official enumerators from house to house to register voters. In some cases the responsibility may be a combination of both active and passive voter registration. In all cases, however, the final  responsibility for the accuracy of the voter registers lies with a local or central state authority or EMB, which must ensure that voter registers are maintained in an accurate and transparent manner. This should both facilitate and protect the right of citizens of legal age to register and prevent unlawful or fraudulent registration. The legal framework should require that voter registers be systematically updated and corrected in a transparent manner to allow electoral participants and voters the opportunity to review their accuracy. It should also provide for voter registers to be updated either on a continuous basis or periodically by a certain cut-off date, in advance of polling.   Protection of personal data and information The legal framework often requires that a person disclose certain information to authorities when registering as a voter or as a candidate. Legislation related directly to voter registration should not allow for the collection, use or dissemination of such personal data or information for any purpose other than the exercise of suffrage rights. This includes provisions that relate to fingerprints, photographs and personal identification numbers, as well as to ethnicity or other factors that could lead to discrimination or place the voter at risk of personal harm. The legal provisions should specify what personal information and data will be publicly listed on the voter register. As an lternative, some jurisdictions rely on the civil registration as the basis of their voter registers. The legislation should also clearly state the permitted uses of information obtained from inspection of the voter registers and whether the information can be used for purposes other than challenging the registration of a particular voter. In particular, the law should state whether the information may or may not be used for the campaign activities of political parties and candidates, for police investigations or for commercial or other purposes. The legal framework should also state the sanctions for misuse of information obtained from voter registers".   The "Guidelines for Reviewing the Legal Framework of Elections" also provide a list of questions that may be used to assess as whether a voter registration system is in compliance with internationally-recognised standards. These are: Does the registration process provide for accurate voter registers? Is the process itself transparent? Does the legal framework contain provisions for regular and timely updating of voter registers before an election? Are the requirements for voter registration stated in clear and unambiguous language? Does the law clearly identify what documents are necessary to register as a voter? Are the provisions for challenging a registration decision stated in clear and unambiguous language?  Is the time period for challenging a registration decision clearly stated?  Are voters protected from the wrongful disclosure of personal data?   When considering international standards for voter registration, it is also important to look at issues of cost, sustainability and affordability of voter registration systems, particularly in the context of emerging democracies. Another very useful resource I would like to highlight for your work is the publication " Getting to the CORE - A Global Survey on the Cost of Registration and Elections " a joint project by IFES and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to assist governments and independent organizations in their efforts to identify and examine all forms of election-related costs and funding sources. The Project’s primary objectives were to evaluate the methods by which election budgets are established, tracked and funded; to identify the cost-management practices that can be adopted by EMBs; and to establish a methodology for the comparative assessment of electoral costs. When you download the full publication using the link provided above, please note that the CORE survey contains a number of case studies - covering issues of costs in Australia, Afghanistan, Cambodia, Guatemala, Haiti, India, Iraq, Mexico, Spain and Sweden - which could certainly serve as a useful reference for your work.   Finally, to answer the second part of your question on some examples of how voter registers are compiled, maintained and updated in other countries of the world, I would like to refer you to the "Comparative Study of Voter Registration Instruments and Practices " developed by Henry Valentino, Alan Wall and Henry Rojas and commissioned by Development Associates, Inc . Although has a primary focus on Ukraine, the Study contains a number of interesting case studies illustrating alternative voter registration methods in the following countries: Kazakhstan - Voter registration Case Study Italy - Voter registration Case Study Hungary - Voter registration Case Study Sweden - Voter registration Case Study Czech Republic - Voter registration Case Study Indonesia - Voter registration Case Study Philippines - Voter registration Case Study Georgia - Voter registration Case Study Australia - Voter registration Case Study      Links to related resources:  ACE Encyclopaedia: General issues about voter registration Alternative Methods- Pro and Con Impact of Voter Registration Methods Comparative Data: Voter registration Comparative Data: How frequently is the voters register updated? ACE "Focus on ... Cost of Registration and Elections"  ( IFES and UNDP) Quality standards of voter lists   Please don’t hesitate to contact the ACE Practitioners' Network again should you need further information.   The opinions expressed by the ACE Network Facilitator do not necessarily reflect those of the ACE Partner organizations. ACE PRACTITIONERS' NETWORK
  • EMB independence and the origin of independent election administrations
    Question: This question was posed by an ACE user through the "Ask a question" function in Electoral Advice. I am doing research on electoral management bodies (EMBs) and the evolution of the independent electoral commissions. At the moment I’m trying to understand who first adopted the model of an Independent EMB in the world. I know Latin America has a really strong and old tradition of independent EMBs, but reading the Indian debates for the 1950 Constitution I also learned that the Election Commission of India was build looking at the Canadian experience, especially the Dominions Act of 1920. What is the origin of independent EMBs? What country did first adopt and independent electoral management body (EMB)?   Any thoughts you might have on this topic are most appreciated. Reply: Posted on 10 May, 2007. This question received 1 reply from Dickson Bailey . His contributions have been merged into the Facilitators' reply. First of all it is important to define the term “independent EMB”. In the context of electoral management the term independence embraces two different concepts: structural independence and ‘fearless independence’, where: (1) Structural independence: is about an EMB being independent from the executive branch of government. It is a formal independence that can only be found in the constitution or the electoral law and; (2) ‘Fearless independence’ (or behavioural independence): is a normative independence of decision and action that is expected of all models of EMBs in that they do not bend to governmental, political or other partisan influences on their decisions. It is important to remember that an EMB under the independent model does not necessarily act independently in its decisions and actions, and that an EMB under the governmental model may be independent in its actions, even thought it can be difficult and is more unlikely. A ‘fearless independence’ can not be guaranteed only by adopting a structurally independent model EMB, but to some extent the two forms of independence may however be linked as Independent Model EMBs are regarded as most likely to ensure an EMB’s independence of decision and action. The electoral management model used by a country is an important factor in EMB behaviour, but far from being the only one. You can legislate structural independence, but you can’t legislate independence of decision and action. Fearless independence is part of an EMB’s institutional culture and it must be nurtured.  Click here to see factors that influence EMB behaviour. Normally when the term independent EMB is used, it refers to the structural independence.     The origin of independent electoral management structures Independent electoral management bodies were first developed during the 20 th century in the Americas. In Uruguay, Chile, Colombia and Costa Rica, for example, the transition from oligarchic governments to more liberal democracy in the first quarter of the 20 th century saw the emergence of new electoral structures which became known as the fourth branch of government because of their constitutionally guaranteed wide ranging powers and responsibilities which among other things included the resolution of electoral disputes. For example, the Uruguayan independent electoral authority, Corte Electoral, was created in 1924 and enshrined in the Constitution of 1934.   A similar structure was also established in Canada in 1920. A key measure of the Dominion Elections Act of 1920 was that it established the office of the Chief Electoral Officer to replace the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery. The Chief Electoral Officer was given substantial guarantees of independence and can since the introduction of the Act only be removed for cause on address of both houses of Parliament, in the same manner as a Judge of the Supreme Court of Canada. This was a measure that among other things forged the independence of the office and allowed the CEO to carry out his work impartially, professionally, without fear and favour, and without immediate political pressures. In 1927 the Act was amended to specify a statutory appointment by resolution of the House of Commons. Instead of being appointed by the government of the day all incumbents since then have been appointed by unanimous resolution of the House of Commons.   As for the case of Asia, India was the first country to set up an independent Election Commission in 1950. Election Commission of India is a permanent Constitutional Body which over the years has become well known and gained good reputation for its ‘fierce independence’ and impartiality.   Other countries that established independent electoral commissions before the 1980s include Kenya and Malta (1960), Ghana (1968) and Bangladesh (1973). However, due to democratic retrogression in Kenya, Ghana, and Bangladesh, the independent EMBs were politically compromised and never exercised their independence until these countries introduced democratic electoral reforms in the 1990s.   The independent Australian Electoral Commission (AEC), for example, was established in 1984. Before that the Australian Electoral Office and was established as a branch of the Department of Home Affairs.   The second half of the 20 th century also saw many former colonies around the world gain independence and hold first elections based on universal suffrage. Unfortunately, many such countries, especially in Africa and Asia, did not stay the democratic course and reverted to authoritarianism and one-party rule. Despite this democratic retrogression, these countries together with the communist-ruled Eastern Europe, continued to hold elections even under authoritarian regimes. But such elections were ‘show elections’ which only fielded and returned candidates from the governing party. Such elections were staged (or stage managed) to present the facade of popular support for the governing party when in fact fair elections could have ousted the incumbents. The executive, through the ministry of interior, was responsible for managing elections in countries which were under authoritarian rule as in Eastern Europe, Eurasia, the pacific and Africa.   Despite the democratic setbacks in said parts of the world, regions such as the Caribbean and also a handful of African countries such as Botswana, Gambia, and Senegal, have since independence in the 1960s remained under democratic rule and have held successive credible elections. Until recently, elections in these countries were run by the executive, such as through the office of the supervisor of elections in the case of St Vincent and Grenades, and Botswana, or the election directorate in the case of Senegal, Gambia, and Jamaica.   Beginning in the early 1990s, the end of the Cold War and the reduction of military and economic aid from developed countries brought a new wave of democratization, popularly known as the ‘third wave’ of transition elections, especially in parts of the African and Asian regions. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 also fomented political reform which led to the breakup of the Soviet Union and the establishment of democratically elected governments in Eastern Europe, the Caucus and central Asia.    Democratisation in many of the countries which for a long time were under authoritarian and military rule meant the introduction of, among other things, institutional reform, which included the writing of new constitutions, change of electoral systems, rules, and structures.  Widespread citizen distrust in the ability of government ministries to administer elections without favoring the government parties – many civil servants were seen as corrupted by previous undemocratic regimes - led to persistent calls for independent bodies to run elections in these newly-founded democracies. This period saw the setting up of independent EMBs in countries such as:      Indonesia (1999) Cape Verde (1999) Nigeria (1999) Antigua and Barbuda (2001) Georgia (2001) Yemen (2001) Afghanistan (2003) Iraq (2004) South Africa (1994) Uganda (1995) Burkina Faso (1995) Thailand (1996) Fiji (1998) Ukraine (1998) Cambodia (1998)     The only part of the world which remained impervious to the wave of democracy and elections which hit the world during the late 20 th century is the Arab World. With the exception of a few countries (such as Turkey, Albania, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Niger, Djibouti, Afghanistan and recently Iraq).    With the exception of Yemen, Palestine, United Arab Emirates, Afghanistan and Iraq, which set up independent electoral management bodies between 1992 and 2004, elections in the Arab World are run directly by the executive ( governmental model ). In Djibouti elections are run by the executive under the control of a supervisory commissions ( mixed model of electoral management ).   As for the rest of Asia, most of the countries have independent electoral management structures. Japan, Laos, Vietnam, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Timor-Leste and the Maldives are the exceptions.     Quote from the ACE Encyclopaedia on Independent EMBs:  "Institutional or ‘structural’ independence can only be found in the constitution or law. The simplest way to promote independence of decision and action in an EMB is to create a legal framework that embeds EMB independence, as provided in the constitutions and principal EMB laws of many countries. This may or may not be feasible, depending on the EMB model, but to merely cherish and respect the independence of an EMB without further measures being taken to safeguard that independence is in critical times often insufficient. Links to related resources: ACE Encyclopaedia: “What an Independent Model EMB is, may be and is not” Electoral Management Design handbook (International IDEA) Canada: Stability, Independence and Public Trust (case study from International IDEA’s ‘Electoral Management Design’ handbook) India: The Embodiment of EMB Independence (case study from International IDEAs ‘Electoral Management Design’ handbook) Uruguay: The Electoral Court - A Fourth Branch of Government (case study from International IDEAs ‘Electoral Management Design’ handbook) Electoral Management Bodies as Institutions of Governance by Professor Rafael López-Pintor (UNDP) Comparative Election Administration in the Pacific – an article on the electoral management structures in the pacific and the legacy of the colonial power. Bringing Democracy to the Arab World (article in FrontPage Magazine)   Contributions were received from: Dickson Bailey Joram Rukambe   THANKS TO ALL WHO HAVE CONTRIBUTED! The opinions expressed by members of the ACE Practitioners' Network do not necessarily reflect those of the ACE Partner organizations.   ACE PRACTITIONERS' NETWORK
  • Election Cost Survey Results
    From December 19, 2003 to October 1, 2004, the organizers of the Cost of Registration and Elections (CORE) Project distributed a survey research questionnaire to election management bodies (EMBs) in 178 countries. This Survey Results Report has been written based on these preliminary survey responses
  • Independencia de los organismos electorales y origen de la administración electoral independiente
  • Egypt: Women's Political Participation, Political Party Life and Democratic Elections
    The three discussion papers included in this report were prepared in 2003 as part of a project carried out by International IDEA, in cooperation with the Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND), aimed at discussing democratic reform in Egypt, Jordan and Yemen. The project was made possible thanks to a generous grant from the Government of Germany, Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.
  • Enhancing Women’s Participation in Electoral Processes in Post-conflict Countries
    The report "Enhancing Women’s Participation in Electoral Processes in Post-conflict Countries" by the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women, Department of Political Affairs, 20 February 2004, EGM/ELEC/2004/ REPORT
  • Jordan: Women's Political Participation, Political Party Life and Democratic Elections
    The three discussion papers included in this report were prepared in 2003 as part of a project carried out by International IDEA, in cooperation with the Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND), aimed at discussing democratic reform in Egypt, Jordan and Yemen. The project was made possible thanks to a generous grant from the Government of Germany, Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

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