Enhancing Women’s Participation in Electoral Processes in Post-conflict Countries
The report "Enhancing Women’s Participation in Electoral Processes in Post-conflict Countries" by the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women, Department of Political Affairs, 20 February 2004, EGM/ELEC/2004/ REPORT
| PeaceWomen Women's International League for Peace and Freedom |
Enhancing Women’s Participation in
Electoral Processes in Post-conflict Countries
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of
Women, Department of Political Affairs, 20 February 2004, EGM/ELEC/2004/
REPORT
Report of the Expert Group Meeting, Glen Cove,
New York, 19-22 January 2004
CONTENTS
I. Introduction 3
II. Organization of work 4
A. Participation 4
B. Documentation 4
C. Programme of work 4
D. Election of officers 5
E. Opening statements 5
III. Summary of the debate 7
IV. Recommendations adopted by the expert group meeting 10
A. The role of actors 10
B. Legal framework 12
C. Political representation and political parties 16
D. Voter and civic education 19
E. Election administration 21
F. Election observation 24
ANNEXES
I. List of participants 27
II. List of documents 32
III. Programme of work 34
I. INTRODUCTION
Since its inception, the United Nations has been involved in the
field of electoral assistance and has kept the political rights
of women on the international agenda. The United Nations has numerous
international instruments that address women’s rights and their
political rights including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(1948), the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (1952),
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)
and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women (1979), which in article 7 calls on Governments to
"take all appropriate measures to grant women the right to
vote in all elections and public referenda and to be eligible for
election to all publicly elected bodies".
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action adopted at the Fourth
World Conference on Women in 1995, also emphasizes the need for
Member States to "take measures, including, where appropriate,
in electoral systems that encourage political parties to integrate
women in elective and non-elective public positions in the same
proportion and at the same levels as men.” Furthermore, in
paragraph 190, it encourages states to "review the differential
impact of electoral systems on the political representation of women
in elected bodies and consider, where appropriate, the adjustment
or reform of those systems".
Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, adopted
in October 2000, calls on Member States "to ensure increased
representation of women at all decision-making levels in national,
regional and international institutions and mechanisms for the prevention,
management, and resolution of conflict" (para. 1). It also
calls upon actors to "ensure the protection of and respect
for human rights of women and girls, particularly as they relate
to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the judiciary”
(para. 8c).
In accordance with its multi-year programme of work for 2002-2006,
the Commission on the Status of Women will review the thematic issue
of “women’s equal participation in conflict prevention,
management and conflict resolution and in post-conflict peace-building”
at its forty-eighth session in 2004. In order to contribute to a
further understanding of this issue and to assist the Commission
in its deliberations, the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender
Issues and Advancement of Women in the Department of Economic and
Social Affairs (DESA) convened an expert group meeting on "Enhancing
women’s participation in electoral processes in post-conflict
countries,” jointly organized with the Department of Political
Affairs of the United Nations. The expert group meeting was held
at the Harrison Conference Center in Glen Cove, New York from 19
to 22 January 2004. The expert group discussed and analyzed electoral
processes in post-conflict countries and the obstacles, lessons
learned and good practices in enhancing women’s participation
in these processes. Based on its discussions, the expert group meeting
adopted recommendations on the incorporation of gender perspectives
into the phases of elections in post-conflict and the roles of the
various actors in support of women’s full participation. The
report which follows is the outcome of this meeting.
II. ORGANIZATION OF WORK
A. Participation
The expert group meeting on “Enhancing women’s participation
in electoral processes in post-conflict countries” was held
in Glen Cove, New York from 19 to 22 January 2004. The meeting was
jointly organized by the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender
Issues and Advancement of Women in DESA and the Department of Political
Affairs, in close collaboration with the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Development Fund for Women
(UNIFEM), as well as several intergovernmental organizations supporting
electoral processes. The meeting was attended by 10 experts from
different regions, two consultants, 12 observers (five from the
Member States, three from the United Nations system, four from civil
society), and representatives of the organizing entities (see annex
I).
B. Documentation
The documentation of the meeting was comprised of:
• Two background papers by consultants
• Four country papers and one subregional paper prepared by experts
• Three thematic papers prepared by experts
• Two papers prepared by observers (see annex II).
This report and all documentation relating to the meeting are available
online at the website of the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender
Issues and Advancement of Women – www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi.
C. Programme of work
At its opening sessions on 19 and 20 January 2004, the meeting adopted
the following programme of work (see annex III):
Election of officers
Introduction to the meeting
Adoption of the programme of work
Presentation and discussion of the background papers
Presentation and discussion of experts’ papers
Working groups discussed thematic areas of legal framework, political
representation and political parties, voter and civic education,
electoral administration and electoral observation by the following
actors:
• Government actors
• International actors
• Civil society actors
Presentation and discussion of recommendations of working groups
in plenary
Drafting and finalization of report and recommendations
Adoption of report and recommendations
Closing session
D. Election of officers
At its opening session, the meeting elected the following officers:
Chairperson: Muna Ndulo
Vice-Chairperson: Luz Mendez
Rapporteur: Amal Sabbagh
E. Opening statements
The meeting was opened by Ms. Angela E. V. King, the Special Adviser
of the Secretary-General on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women.
In her statement, Ms. King welcomed the experts and observers on
behalf of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan. She expressed her
special gratitude to the United Nations Department of Political
Affairs for co-organizing the event. Ms. King described the pivotal
role the United Nations had played in assisting Member States in
holding elections. Since the late 1980s, the UN had been increasingly
called upon to provide assistance in holding inclusive, credible
and legitimate democratic elections in post-conflict countries.
These conflicts eroded institutions that provided a basis for the
sustainability of societies and undermined societal values replacing
them with institutionalized violence. Rape, forced pregnancies,
sexual slavery and assault, which directly targeted women, had become
deliberate instruments of war that destroyed the bonds which held
communities together.
The Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women stressed
that durable solutions to these conflicts must flow from post-conflict
societies themselves and must have a strong focus on reviewing and
strengthening institutions necessary to ensure peace, security,
human rights and justice for all, women as well as men, while the
international community and the United Nations played a supportive
role which was adapted to the specific political circumstances of
each country. It was, therefore, vital that any attempt at building
peace in the wake of a violent conflict must focus strongly on rebuilding
democracy and bringing women into all stages of conflict prevention,
management and post-conflict reconstruction, including through electoral
processes, as contributors and active participants.
Ms. King shared her experience as the Chief of the United Nations
Observation Mission in South Africa (UNOMSA). Ultimately, the elections
in 1994 led to the creation of a solid foundation for peace, democracy,
effective governance and an active women’s role in South African
society. In fact, it was one of the first recorded occasions where,
well before the elections, women of various political parties and
groups banded together to demand one third of the seats in the constitutional
negotiations and later, on party slates. While only the ANC fully
adhered to this agreement, approximately 25 per cent of the first
elected parliamentarians were women.
Ms. King emphasized the important role of the expert group meeting
to review what had been done to support women in all aspects of
the electoral process in post-conflict countries and to develop
an agenda for action on how to strengthen support to the full participation
of women in electoral processes in post-conflict countries. She
mentioned that some of the target groups of users of the lessons
learned and recommendations made were the Security Council, UN policy-makers
in post-conflict elections, Special Representatives of the Secretary-General
heading missions, representatives of Governments, civil society,
women’s groups and other international actors working in Afghanistan,
Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
Iraq.
Mr. Sean Dunne of the Electoral Assistance Division of the Department
of Political Affairs presented a statement on behalf of Ms. Carina
Perilli, Director of the Electoral Assistance Division who was unable
to attend the opening as the latest developments in Iraq required
her presence elsewhere. Mr. Dunne noted that elections constitute
a continuum in which what was decided at one stage, would deeply
affect the next. From a chronological point of view, provisions
to ensure the role of women in the electoral and political arena
should be taken at the outset of a process. In terms of long-term
sustainability the enfranchisement of women had to be seen in the
broader context of the enfranchisement of society as a whole; and
in that light, the advancement of women in the electoral process
must be addressed as a key element of a broader reality.
There were three main areas in which the question of women’s
participation in the electoral process had to be addressed, particularly
in post-conflict situations. These were: the question of voice and
citizenship; the question of representation and women representatives;
and the question of women’s capacity to engage in decision-making
roles in the electoral and political process. In those three areas,
and at each stage of the electoral process, efforts should be made
in order to enhance the role of women in electoral processes both
in quantitative and qualitative terms. A range of tools and resources
had to be provided to ensure that women’s voices were heard
and to enable them to participate in the process.
In the experience of the UN there was no “one way”, there
was no “best way” – there was always a unique constellation
of actors and forces that demanded innovative and creative approaches.
Mr. Dunne stressed that electoral politics was a competition for
power - not a competition between equals, but one that had to be
conducted over a level playing field to be considered fair. To enhance
women’s participation in this arena, proactive efforts had
to be directed both to leveling the field and to enhancing the capacity
of women to be formidable and lasting competitors. Mr. Dunne expressed
his hope that the meeting would provide the opportunity for experts
to collectively contribute to the endeavour of identifying more
tools which could be shared by all in pursuing these goals.
III. SUMMARY OF THE DEBATE
Post-conflict transitions involving the international community
are not quiet corners where local political actors committed to
democracy and external electoral experts could seek solutions together.
They are high-profile interventions in which not all the local players
might even be committed to ending the conflict at all, and in which
there are strong, differing and often controversial external agendas
in play. The political reality is that an election in a transitional
situation represents a major investment of resources by the international
community and is therefore unlikely to be rejected as unsuccessful
short of complete breakdown or chaos.
Much of what is known generally about women's participation in electoral
processes is relevant also to post-conflict situations - psychological
barriers, inequality of resources, discriminatory cultural patterns,
indirect discrimination and the lack of clear rules, all of which
reduce women's participation. The experience of the last 25 years
has been that elections in post-conflict situations typically take
place in an environment which contrasts radically with that prevailing
in democratic countries. More specifically, the following differences
are likely to impact negatively on women's participation in electoral
processes in post-conflict situations:
• There is an expectation that elections will build or consolidate
the peace, and this is often seen as the key requirement. As a consequence,
the "success" of an election may be judged not so much
on the basis of the criteria which normally apply in democratic
countries, but on the extent to which it has contributed to the
political process of ending conflict.
• Democratic commitment is fragile, with participants prepared
to subvert the electoral process for short-term political gain,
or even denounce or withdraw from the process.
• Military involvement with electoral processes is likely
to arise. When the police have a high profile role, where there
is no shortage of either recent combatants or weapons and where
there are still groups committed to violent means, the security
climate is likely to be an obstacle to the participation of women.
• Political parties tend either to be derived from movements
associated with a political struggle, or to be small, disorganized
bodies, often based around regions, tribes, clans, religious groups,
language groups or high profile individuals, and sometimes amounting
to little more than patronage networks.
• There are large numbers of displaced persons either within
or outside the country. These groups typically include predominant
numbers of women and children. The existence of residency requirements
in many electoral laws gives rise to a significant risk that they
will be disenfranchised.
• Institutional development is limited. There may be a history
of human rights violations, and the judiciary may be weak, poorly
trained, corrupt, or politicized, representing, in the worst cases,
a system of rule by law rather than rule of law. In such situations,
the ability of women to obtain proper protection of their legitimate
rights is likely to be severely limited.
• Public campaigning tends to proceed through meetings, rallies
and marches, which may be difficult for women to attend.
• Fraud, corruption and intimidation are generally widespread.
In situations where women are already disempowered, it may be very
difficult for them to resist pressures of this type.
• There may be a partisan use of state resources, in a manner
which is likely to entrench the status quo.
• The electorate often contains a substantial illiterate component.
In cases in which women have suffered this sort of deprivation of
opportunity, they will be particularly disadvantaged.
• The reality of post-conflict mission funding is that international
resources often arrive late or are insufficient. The challenge is
to ensure that women's participation is seen as a core activity
of the post-conflict mission, and not merely as a desirable soft
option to be cut when "hard choices" have to be made.
Post-conflict elections have been conducted under tight time constraints,
often driven by the domestic politics of Member States of the international
body. In fact, once agreement on a framework is reached, the pressure
would be for elections and new institutions to be in place as fast
as possible. Women would have to be exceptionally aware and well
organized to take advantage of what has been agreed.
As there is increasing realization that the electoral framework
is not self-standing, but intimately connected with the constitution
and the political laws, it has been clear that women’s participation
and representation issues are not only questions for electoral engineers
and election specialists, but for the negotiators and drafters of
the wider framework of instruments such as constitutional experts
and experts revising or drafting national legislation. Moreover,
debate and provisions on women's representation issues are often
limited to the national level. In seeking long-term change, drafters
may need to make a specific effort to put the role of women at the
local level on the agenda.
Open lists and proportional representation have been shown to encourage
gender-balanced representation, although this might be less true
in developing nations because there are fewer women who could seize
opportunities for "balanced tickets". The key issue, however,
is the interaction between the district magnitude and the party
system – as illustrated by the question: “If you get elected,
how many party colleagues will you have from your electoral district?”
If the district magnitude is too small, the likely answer for all
but the strongest parties will be none, and the "balanced ticket"
principle will have little effect. Only a provision that requires
balancing the "top of list" positions across electoral
districts is likely to be effective. If, however, the district magnitude
is too big, there is the possibility of many small parties winning
one seat each – unless an overt threshold for representation
is additionally in place and unless women have emerged as party
leaders, this may not bode well for the level of women’s representation.
Alternatively, the legal criterion for the establishment of a political
party may demand a high level of organization thereby restricting
the number of parties. There have often been, however, many groups
who want to form parties in the early stages of transitions, and
there is a strong argument for a low qualification for party registration
in order to be inclusive. Quotas may be adopted within the electoral
system, using the nomination requirements, or within political parties.
Reserved seats are another approach which may guarantee numbers,
but it may not be effective in giving status to the reserved seat
members.
The discussion on electoral systems applies equally to political
party procedures for choosing candidates and to nomination and election
procedures for internal party management bodies. The latter play
a major role in determining whether parties are "gender-friendly".
Nomination and election procedures for internal party leaderships
and committees play a major role in the development of the internal
ethos of parties: their results effectively contribute to the development
of the political skills and influence of women. Civil society organizations
can also identify and promote women who are interested in becoming
elected representatives. In addition, a post-conflict mission should
also consider the extent to which external actors can be directly
involved in encouraging the recruitment and training of women candidates.
The importance of gender balance in election administration recruitment,
from commissioners to polling station officials, is now being increasingly
recognized. The registration of refugees and internally displaced
persons is frequently critical in post-conflict situations. Women
may be disadvantaged by illiteracy or access requirements in registration
and polling procedures, as well as by lack of awareness of ballot
secrecy or that the individual has a right to vote without being
pressured to vote along family lines. Considerable experience and
‘best practice’ have developed in targeted voter education
to encourage women’s participation, and it is important to
ensure that this is further developed to match local conditions.
Little attention has as yet been given to gender aspects of electoral
dispute resolution. How appointments adjudicating bodies are made
and whether procedures to lodge a claim and have it heard appear
more onerous or threatening to women are important questions that
need attention. Similarly, the limited access of women to election
media, both in terms of access and of confinement to "soft"
issues, has indeed been identified as a problem but so far little
attention has been devoted to the subject.
The general agreement that gender balance is important in international
observation teams has not always been reflected in practice. The
evaluation of gender issues is not consistently seen as a mainstream
observation task. Observation reporting has been distinctly patchy:
some missions report on gender issues in some depth, while others
remain completely silent on the issue.
Thus, there are many areas in which more thought and research is
needed. However, a considerable volume of wisdom already exists,
and the task in many areas is understanding, dissemination and implementation.
This means that in practice resource manuals and materials –
including party development and candidate training programmes, training
for election administrators, voter education, and others should
be reviewed and updated. Training and extending awareness might
be needed not only among local actors, but also for members of international
mission teams.
IV. RECOMMENDATIONS ADOPTED BY THE EXPERT GROUP MEETING
A. The Role of Actors
In order to examine all aspects of the gender perspectives in electoral
processes, the expert group meeting focused on the role which actors
should play according to the various phases of the election process
in post-conflict countries. The main actors are considered to be
governments, international organizations including the United Nations
and its system of organizations and regional intergovernmental organizations
and international and national civil society groups including non-governmental
organizations. For purposes of a more focused discussion, the meeting
agreed that the continuum of phases of the electoral process should
include: the legal framework; political representation and political
parties; voter and civic education; election administration; and
election observation. The expert group meeting discussed the major
challenges affecting women’s participation from the point of
view of specific actors. It also described best practices drawn
from what actors have accomplished to enhance women’s participation
in post-conflict elections. Participants gave priority to recommending
immediate or short-term solutions or improvements related to an
electoral process. It was pointed out that some of the many possible
barriers to women’s participation include poverty, low literacy
rates and cultural factors. While recognizing the impact of such
barriers, it would not be realistic for an international electoral
mission to expect to make a significant impact on these basic structural
barriers within the timeframe of a mission.
Given the multiple actors that are involved in elections, the expert
group agreed upon specific terminology for each actor group so that
recommendations could be targeted.
The term “government actors” is defined by the expert
group as a sovereign state which is responsible for the creation
of rules and laws that ensure its citizens’ political representation,
empowerment and accountability. In some post-conflict settings,
however, there may not be a functioning government, thus requiring
the formation of a temporary administrative structure. The autonomy
of this transitional administration and its ability to effectively
manage an election process will set the stage for how other actors
support the elections. Peace agreements often recommend the creation
or restructuring of commissions on electoral, constitutional, human
rights or gender issues. Their existence varies greatly in post-conflict
countries.
The ultimate government actor in the electoral process is determined
to be the election management board which oversees the planning,
implementation and evaluation of the elections. It can be guided
by whether or not the state has ratified international treaties
concerning women's rights, such as the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination against Women as this determines
the fundamental basis for ensuring support for the full participation
of women in electoral processes.
The term “international actors” is broadly construed to
include international organizations (including the United Nations
and other intergovernmental and interstate organizations), governments
other than those where the election is taking place, Member States
including donor countries, and international non-governmental organizations.
A variety of actors within the United Nations involved in post-conflict
elections include the Department of Political Affairs, Department
of Peacekeeping Operations, Special Representatives of the Secretary-General
heading UN peacekeeping missions, United Nations system entities
such as UNDP, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and
UNIFEM.
It is clear that the role and influence of international actors
can vary widely depending on the circumstances. In some instances,
the United Nations or another international actor have a mandate
actually to conduct the election, giving it broad powers to shape
electoral systems, legislation and the election administration.
In other cases, the United Nations and other international actors
have a far more restricted role, which may, for example, be limited
to providing assistance or advice, or encouraging domestic actors
to adopt best practices to advance women’s participation.
The term “civil society actors” includes national non-governmental
organizations that support women’s political participation
in post-conflict situations such as women’s groups, human rights
and youth groups, indigenous organizations, political parties, trade
unions and professional groups and members of academia and think-tanks.
While none of these bodies have explicit responsibility for elections,
often in post-conflict societies, non-governmental networks have
strong ties to citizens and the capacity or expertise that can be
tapped for social mobilization and nation-building. For example,
civil society is well poised to carry out assessments of the different
needs and priorities of women and men in all aspects of local and
general election processes.
The expert group meeting considers it important to make overarching
recommendations regarding the incorporation of gender perspectives
and the advancement of women in peace operations as a whole.
It was recommended that all actors listed above should:
• Be guided by the relevant laws and instruments that give full
expression to the rights of women as set out in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Political
Rights of Women, and establish mechanisms for ensuring that those
rights will, in practice, be enjoyed.
• Be guided by the recommendations of the Ottawa Expert Group Meeting
on Peace Agreements as a Means for Promoting Gender Equality and
Ensuring the Participation of Women: a Framework for Model Provisions
.
• Work proactively for the inclusion of women as part of delegations
to international and national peace negotiations, including by structuring
negotiations to include women as participants and by providing incentives
to parties to the conflict to include women on their negotiating
teams.
• Help protect and empower women refugees when negotiating United
Nation’s Status of Mission Agreements with neighbouring countries,
for example, by preventing forced returns and ensuring availability
of voting rights to women in refugee camps.
• Create platforms to ensure women’s voices are heard, through
meetings, events and publicity, and by consulting and being seen
to consult with women leaders and women’s groups.
• Support transitional bodies, constituent assemblies and other
such institutions by enhancing their capacities and supporting their
women members, and encourage gender balance in their composition.
• Mainstream gender into peacekeeping mission budgets and include
provisions for gender units/advisers and gender mainstreaming activities
throughout the mission.
• Ensure effective donor coordination which should be clear on the
priority attached to advancing women’s participation and gender
equality.
• Consider using opinion polling and focus groups to identify issues
of importance for women in post-conflict countries and to develop
ways to be responsive.
• Support and foster domestic civil society organizations with a
view to strengthening their involvement in developing women’s
political rights.
B. Legal Framework
Women are often not involved in the consultations that lead to the
development of policies and laws which will directly affect their
participation in electoral processes, both as voters and candidates.
Not all provisions, laws and regulations establishing citizenship
and election procedures contain a commitment to equality with regard
to gender. Where they do, they are often broad in their approach
to gender equality. Laws that establish voting and candidature qualifications
may create barriers for women’s participation, by virtue of
their sex, level of education or literacy.
The legal framework inclusive of constitutional, political, legislative
and electoral laws and regulations must provide the fundamental
basis for democratic elections with full participation of women.
Post-conflict situations often provide a unique opportunity through
peace agreements for radical changes in a country’s legislative
framework. Countries may thus adopt a new constitution, laws establishing
political bodies and/or election laws as part of fulfilling peace
agreements.
The expert group meeting recommends that a legal framework should:
• Ensure gender balance in all bodies created as part of the design
or implementation of the constitutional, political, legislative
and electoral laws and regulations. To ensure this outcome special
measures including the use of quotas and incentives should be explored.
• Ensure that women participate and hold decision-making positions
in all committees, commissions or other fora that are established,
including in drafting committees and create specialized bodies to
advance the rights of women.
• Have specific provisions on non-discrimination and the full equality
between women and men, in accordance with international standards
on human rights and women’s rights.
• Ensure that citizenship rights of women and men are equal in all
respects. With regard to the electoral process, the legal framework
should:
• Eliminate procedures that might constitute indirect discrimination
such as an excessive requirement for signatures of citizens.
• Ensure that campaign financing laws do not directly or indirectly
discriminate against women, such as requiring an unreasonably high
monetary deposit taking into account that women often have less
access to resources than men.
• Include provisions to assist illiterate voters, and ensure that
these provisions are not abused.
• Include provisions to ensure polling stations are established
and located so as to provide easy access for women voters.
• Establish a complaints and appeals process that can provide rapid
and genuine redress to individuals whose electoral rights have been
violated. Procedures should be simple, clear and rule-based and
should operate in a way that inspires the confidence of the electorate.
Women should participate as members of any administrative or judicial
body considering election complaints.
The expert group recommends that Government actors should:
• Ensure that the relevant laws and instruments
give full expression to the rights of women as set out in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the
Political Rights of Women, and establish mechanisms for ensuring
that those rights will, in practice, be enjoyed.
• Review the legal framework for proposed constitutional, political,
legislative and electoral laws and regulations to identify elements
which may hamper women’s participation, and amend legislation
to correct problems identified.
International actors should:
• Within their mandates, encourage the adoption of a legal framework
that guarantees equal participation by women in elections.
• Encourage the formation of new institutions and strengthening
of existing institutions, including ministries of women’s affairs,
national commissions on women, and ombudsman offices and other innovative
institutions that can contribute to empowering women and advancing
their political rights.
• Undertake or offer to assist with a gender analysis of the legal
framework on elections, to help identify any shortcomings or indirect
discrimination and suggest remedies, and provide advisers on human
rights and women’s rights to improve legal frameworks.
• Encourage and facilitate the exchange of information and best
practices, particularly within the same region on ways to advance
women’s participation in elections. For example, open lists
and proportional representation systems have been shown to lead
to the election of greater numbers of women than majoritarian systems,
although both systems are accepted as meeting international standards.
• Provide information on special measures and encourage their adoption.
It has been shown that special measures, including quotas for women
on party lists or reserved seats for women, can lead to a significant
increase in women’s participation as members of parliament
or other elected bodies. Special measures are acceptable under international
standards such as article 4 of the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Such measures can
also be among the most effective means of increasing women’s
participation and the election of women candidates. These measures
can be applied at local or regional levels as well as at the national
level.
• Pursue further research on
- Special measures with a view toward evaluating their effectiveness;
- How different constitutional and political legislative frameworks
affect the level of women’s participation and representation;
Civil society actors should:
• Organize public consultations, and lobby for women to participate
and hold decision making positions in all committees, commissions
or other fora that are established, including in drafting committees
during the reform process.
• Identify and support (including through training) qualified women
to participate in these fora. Effective strategies for influencing
domestic reform can include developing education outreach campaigns,
and reaching out to the international community and other civil
society organizations for support.
• Support gender equality through issuing position papers and lobbying
on:
- Application of international legal instruments;
- Internal party democracy including candidate recruitment and party
rules;
- Election monitoring and observation mechanisms;
- Application of special measures, including gender quotas and party
ballot composition;
• Monitor the Government’s implementation of peace agreements
and mobilize public support for the full implementation where agreements
have included women’s equitable political participation.
• Ensure that women who are refugees, internally displaced persons,
non-registered voters, or those without official identification
forms and/or birth certificates are not excluded or disenfranchised
due to barriers of citizenship.
• Develop a media strategy that highlights the application of international
norms and standards or specific constitutional or electoral reform
proposals.
• Develop coalitions and alliances among sectoral groups and non-governmental
organizations, to unite, for example, women’s groups and human
rights organizations, to galvanize support for constitutional and
electoral reform.
• Provide training for members of electoral commissions on international
laws and standards on gender equality issues as well as state obligations.
C. Political Representation and Political Parties
The expert group meeting considers that the structure and organization
of parties can be obstacles to the participation of women. In post-conflict
situations, party leadership positions tend to be dominated by men,
and women tend to lack representation and power in the party structures.
While the party system may be fluid, with parties exploring either
the option of merging with others or forming joint tickets, the
negotiations which lead to such a situation will typically be conducted
by the parties’ (male) leadership, with women having little
opportunity to influence them. Parties may lack internal democracy.
Indeed, their internal procedures may be poorly defined, and they
may lack constitutions. Such situations are conducive to the domination
of parties by élites, usually men, who will control the internal
recruitment of candidates and their placement on party lists, and
may even be in a position to change the order of candidates on party
lists to the disadvantage of women. Politics within such parties
may be pursued with a ruthlessness which can discourage those outside
the dominant group from taking part. In some situations where women
do gain endorsement it will often only be for unwinnable seats or
for positions on party lists that represent mere tokenism.
Political party leaders and supporters may have a stereotyped view
of the role of women which can make it very difficult for women
to progress within the party. Such stereotypes include women being
seen as lacking “management skills” or other “qualifications”.
Women’s family responsibilities may also constitute an obstacle
to their playing an active role in politics. This will be particularly
the case if participation could put women or their families at risk
of intimidation or attack.
The expert group meeting recommends that political parties should:
• Be required, as a condition of registration, to have a constitution
specifying their position on gender equality. Where possible, such
requirements should be incorporated in the document or instrument
which is likely to be seen by all political players as being most
binding.
• Adopt internally democratic structures (e.g., open and transparent
candidate nomination procedures) in order to advance the participation
of women rather than closed decision-making structures.
• Identify gender issues in their platforms and select women candidates
using transparent criteria, party-list placement in winnable positions
and other mechanisms
to promote their election such as a “zippered” list, in
which the names of men and women alternate, which provides the best
possibility of electing greater numbers of
women.
• In their party rules, mandate that the membership of party management
and party policy committees is gender balanced and that women are
included in decision-making roles. They should ensure that women
candidates have access to resources and special training opportunities.
These should include strategies that reach out to include women.
• If a party Code of Conduct exists, include standards on participation
by women and gender equality.
• Take into account that experience has shown that women’s
political participation can often be most effectively advanced at
the party level through setting voluntary quotas or targets on the
proportion of women candidates who will appear on party lists. Targets
are most effective if linked to a specific timeframe and accompanied
by
training and resources for women party members and candidates.
In order to ensure that political parties incorporate gender perspectives,
the expert group meeting recommends that:
Government actors should:
• Ensure that elections be conducted over a timeframe long enough
to enable political parties to be firmly established and developed
in a manner which does not merely replicate the structures which
preceded or arose during the period of conflict.
• Implement processes which give political parties the strongest
incentives, including access to state resources, the state media
at election time, and public funding, to involve women fully in
all aspects of the parties’ operations. This includes, if necessary,
making mandatory requirements (relating, for example, to nomination
of women candidates and internal party democracy) which a party
must satisfy to gain or retain legal recognition.
• Provide sufficient resources to women’s organizations which
are involved in supporting, researching or encouraging the greater
participation of women in electoral processes, not only at election
time but also between elections.
• Provide resources to all parties on an equitable basis for the
training of women in the skills required to become candidates and
undertake public campaigns to emphasize the legitimate role of women
as candidates, to break down stereotypes, and to encourage women
to become candidates. Where a party has a women’s wing, make
resources available to strengthen its activities.
• Explore systems for guaranteeing representation of women in the
legislature, including legislated or voluntary party quotas within
a list system of proportional representation, or reserved seats
within a majoritarian or plurality system. Where quotas are adopted
for implementation, the enforcement mechanism should be clearly
specified.
International actors should:
• Establish and support programmes to develop cross-party cooperation
among women candidates, including training through cross-party caucuses,
and support men and women members of parliament and activists in
developing cross-party networks and policies on issues of special
concern to women.
• Encourage research on the circumstances under which women’s
wings of political parties help advance women’s political participation,
as these entities have in some instances promoted the advancement
of women and in others, relegated women to a subsidiary place in
the party.
• Assist with training
- All political party members and candidates – men and women
– on gender-related issues including gender awareness;
- Journalists on effective coverage of women candidates and issues
of special concern to women, as well as training on gender sensitivity;
- Women candidates on how to deal effectively with the media. More
research is needed on the quantity, content and presentation of
the coverage of women in elections by the media;
- Security forces on gender aspects of elections in post-conflict
societies, including developing model codes of conduct for police
and military;
• Consider sponsoring a gender-sensitive security liaison focal
point within the police or military for political parties and candidates,
as well as safe havens in dangerous areas where women candidates
campaign.
Civil society actors should:
• Advocate and lobby to ensure that critical gender issues are addressed
in political party platforms. They can hold elected officials accountable
between elections by monitoring and publishing performance on issues
of importance to women against party platforms.
• Lobby for media access and free public media to all political
parties as part of election process. Consider incentives such as
extra airtime to parties who propose women candidates and support
training for women candidates on media issues.
• Support women’s wings to ensure that they are linked to main
decision-making bodies within their political parties, and that
they know how to influence the candidate selection process so as
to avoid being marginalized in party decision-making.
• Because of ties to the community-level, serve as a link between
women candidates and the grassroots, and provide an incentive to
women to run as candidates and use this link to mobilize voters
and raise resources for candidates.
• Once women are elected to office, encourage, establish and support
programmes to develop cross-party cooperation among women candidates
and potential candidates, including network and training through
cross-party fora. In addition support men and women members of parliament
and activists in developing cross-party networks and policies on
issues of special concern to women.
• Help elaborate strategies for elected women officials to ensure
that they function effectively as legislators and prepare for reelection
campaigns.
D. Voter and Civic Education
In post-conflict countries, the electoral processes to be implemented
may be new, or unfamiliar to the great majority of voters. Therefore
it cannot be assured that voters have prior knowledge or understanding
of elections and their significance, or the secrecy of the ballot.
Where the development of electoral procedures is delayed, there
may be inadequate time for implementation of voter and civic education
programmes.
Voter education should be provided in a manner which makes it accessible
to women, or as accessible to women as to men. Where it is provided
only in a written form illiterate people, mostly women, will be
unable to benefit from it. If it is provided through electronic
media some women will not have access, or it may be unavailable
in places where refugee or internally displaced women are located.
It may be made available only at times or in places which are inconvenient
for women with caring responsibilities. It may be provided only
in an official language, rather than in a local language which women
in an area speak.
The expert group meeting recommends that voter and civic education
programmes should:
• Start early, cover the entire election process and include the
roles of women as candidates and voters.
• Use inclusive language and images that include both women and
men and develop specific material targeted at women. Use a variety
of methods and media that are sensitive to the needs of all citizens.
• Address not only voter registration and voting procedures (such
as informing women that their vote will be secret and a matter of
their individual choice), but also focus on other specific issues
of concern in a country.
.
• Create safe resource centres to facilitate women's access to voter
education programmes.
• Review curriculum materials to ensure they are gender sensitive
and explicitly address the rights of women to vote and to be candidates
in the electoral process, as well as in the broader political process
and develop curriculum materials suitable for long-term civic education
in schools.
• Provide sufficient resources so as to meet the objective of universal
coverage. Voter and civic education should be seen as an ongoing
activity, not just as a one-off
process at election time.
• Involve women’s organizations from the outset in the design
and implementation of voter and civic education campaigns and ensure
that women are involved on an equal basis in its delivery.
• Provide sessions for women only and ensure the locations and times
of voter education sessions allow women’s full access. Where
necessary, child-care arrangements should be incorporated in planning
for voter education.
The expert group recommends that Government actors should:
• Provide sufficient and sustained resources for gender sensitive,
neutral and accurate voter and civic education to ensure that all
voters understand their electoral rights and responsibilities, and
are able to cast valid votes.
International actors should:
• Support comprehensive gender-sensitive voter education programmes
that ensure women’s full participation in the design and dissemination
of the programmes.
• Support civic education campaigns that include information on
the benefits of democracy, reconciliation and peace-building. Information
should be gender sensitive and should combat stereotypes.
• Develop specific tools and creative means to help get voter and
civic education messages to the public, in all relevant languages.
These might include plays, radio and television messages, and establishing
internet cafés which are safe and accessible for women. Monitor
and assess whether messages are getting through effectively to the
voters.
• Develop and support training opportunities for women through partnerships
and exchange programmes.
• Support links between the party leadership and women at the grassroots
level to enhance mutual understanding of election-related issues.
Civil society actors should:
• Monitor the content and design of government publications on voter
and civic education to ensure that they are accessible and gender-sensitive.
• Develop training programmes in civic education that address education
and skills fundamental to living in a democracy (specifically, literacy
skills) in addition to immediate voter education training.
• Develop gender-sensitive voter education messages that
- Highlight the capacities of women as candidates and political
representatives;
- Encourage women to run for office;
- Emphasize that votes are secret, individual, and personal (i.e.
not “family votes”);
- Inform the population that elections are a peaceful process for
governments in transition, and if conducted in a free and fair manner,
the results would be accepted as conclusive and final;
- Teach women not only how to vote but also the responsibilities
of the electorate and elected officials;
- Involve male community leaders, party officials, and religious
leaders, in endorsing and participating in training and education
programmes for women;
• Design training targeted at men and “local notables”
on women’s capacity as voters and candidates.
• Insist that electoral commissions conduct a wide-reaching public
education campaign targeting women as well as men to ensure that
all citizens understand and have access to voting procedures. Electoral
commissions should make the training material available in local
languages.
• Collaborate with teachers and academics to develop curricula on
civic education (e.g. model parliaments) that emphasize women’s
right to equal political participation.
E. Election Administration
Ensuring women’s equitable political participation can be influenced
by the logistics and mechanisms in place for running an election.
Before the election, requirements for registration and for documentation
can discriminate against those women who do not have identification
in their own name or against internally displaced persons and refugees
who have lost identification documents. On the day of the election
critical obstacles may include the location and transportation to
voting stations and the duration and hours of operation. Other obstacles
include the lack of training for election administrators and the
low representation of women on election management boards.
Women may be disadvantaged by inappropriate polling procedures.
Access to polling stations can give rise to difficulties similar
to those which can arise in relation to registration centres, and
badly designed polling precincts can add to the problems encountered.
Since polling involves processing the entire adult population of
a country in a very short time, often in a single day, long queues
of voters may form, which may be most uncomfortable for women voters,
particularly the elderly and those with children. The problem will
be made worse if the hours of polling are badly chosen.
Actions which compromise the secrecy of the ballot are of particular
concern. Women may be subject to intimidation or threats designed
to make them vote in a particular way, and/or to reveal how they
have voted. The presence of people such as party agents at a voting
station has the potential to intimidate voters, especially if the
agents in question have a history of involvement in abuse of power,
or intimidation. The secrecy of the vote may also be compromised
by polling procedures which make blind or illiterate voters dependent
on someone else to mark their votes.
Complex ballot marking requirements, and strict rules for the validity
of ballots, can cause votes to be discarded even when the voter
has attempted to indicate a clear intention. This is likely to impact
in particular on the less educated and literate voters, a group
in which women may well be over-represented.
The expert group meeting recommends that election management boards
should:
• Have a stated objective on gender balance at all levels and put
incentive packages in place to enable women who wish to seek employment
or a career in electoral administration to do so.
• Develop a policy on gender, dealing both with strategies for enhancing
the role of women within the election management board, and for
enhancing women’s participation in the election process.
• Where security is a concern, give priority to ensuring that people
are able to register and vote safely.
• Train its staff to ensure the correct implementation of procedures
intended to facilitate women’s participation in the election
process.
• Ensure the secrecy of the vote is reinforced by having appropriately
laid out polling stations. Polling officials should know that they,
not the voters, are responsible for ensuring that the secrecy of
the vote is maintained and that any irregularities which arise are
promptly and effectively dealt with.
• Ensure ballots bear photographs and party symbols, to reduce the
need for assisted voting of the illiterate and to better enable
voters to identify their preferred candidate or party.
• Explore mechanisms for providing incentives to increase the turnout
of women voters. For example, where positions in a legislature are
to be filled on a sub-national level, consideration could be given
to apportioning the seats among the provinces, after the election,
on the basis of total turnout, so as to give political players an
incentive to support voting by women.
• Facilitate intercountry networking between staff of different
election management boards, with a particular focus on mechanisms
which will allow women staff of different election management boards
to share and learn from each others’ experiences.
• Collect sex-disaggregated statistics on the election process,
covering such matters as different levels of registration or turnout
among men and women, which could highlight strengths or weaknesses
of existing electoral arrangements from a gender perspective.
• Critically evaluate voter registration and polling procedures
to ensure that they should not disadvantage women in practice. Where
necessary, special procedures, such as the use of mobile registration
and polling teams, or the establishment of separate registration
or polling stations for men and women, should be explored. Where
the latter approach is adopted, strict procedures should be implemented
to ensure that the facilities provided for women are not inferior
to those provided for men.
The expert group meeting recommends that Government actors should:
• Establish gender-sensitive electoral procedures
which do not discriminate against women, whatever their situation,
and which are administered by neutral bodies which are sensitive
to gender issues and where women are fully represented at all levels.
• Ensure that all agencies of the state which are involved in any
aspect of the electoral process, including, for example, police
investigating alleged electoral transgressions, are trained to respect
the electoral rights of women, and adopt a gender-sensitive approach.
• Ensure that independent monitoring mechanisms be established to
identify and report on gender bias in the media in relation to the
electoral process.
International actors should:
• Ensure United Nations peacekeeping missions that are involved
in supporting elections in post-conflict countries
- Include a specific reference in the mandate to Security Council
resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security;
- Give priority to enhancing the full participation of women in
all aspects of the electoral process;
- Ensure gender balance and deploy personnel who are gender sensitive;
- Train personnel on gender issues and develop a curriculum for
such training;
- Report on gender perspectives and gender balance in their regular
reporting to Headquarters;
• Provide sufficient up-front funding for elections, and in particular
funding from the outset for promoting women’s participation
in elections.
Civil society actors should:
• Advocate that the election management board ensures that gender
perspectives in the voting process are fully incorporated.
• Identify qualified women candidates for election management boards
and advocate for their equal inclusion. Identify and encourage women
to run for positions on electoral commissions, registration centres
and polling stations, including as chairpersons.
• Collaborate with the national election management board to develop
a code of conduct for election administrators and political parties
that includes gender-sensitive language.
• Monitor the implementation of registration processes so that they
are non-discriminatory towards women.
F. Election Observation
As with other aspects of election processes, women are often excluded
from the election observation process. International observer missions
often ignore gender equality issues and are not trained to recognize
specific obstacles that women face including discrimination and
harassment. Because women’s organizations and prominent women
in communities are not tapped to support election observation missions,
much needed capacity and local resources are not mobilized in support
of ensuring free and fair elections.
Election observation can make a valuable contribution to the conduct
of democratic elections by promoting transparency, accountability
and confidence in an election process and by its presence, can deter
violations. This is especially important in post-conflict situations
where voters may lack confidence in a new system or be suspicious
of a peace agreement. Ideally, observation missions should cover
the entire election process – before, during and after elections.
The expert group meeting recommends that election observation missions
should:
• Ensure gender balance and address gender issues in guidelines,
including generic guidelines issued by international organizations,
which define how election observation should properly be conducted.
• Receive training on gender issues, and on the electoral rights
of women.
• Develop checklists that draw their attention to critical points
of the election process at which women may be disadvantaged.
• When determining whether an election has been free and fair, give
full weight to the extent to which women have been able to exercise
their rights.
• Include gender considerations especially in determining possible
irregularities such as in family voting, arbitrary application of
rules and harassment of women attempting to vote.
• Collect sex-disaggregated statistics on the election process,
covering such matters as different levels of registration or turnout
among men and women, which could highlight strengths or weaknesses,
from a gender perspective, of existing electoral arrangements.
• Evaluate an election from a gender perspective and disseminate
the results.
The expert group recommends that Government actors should:
• Facilitate the observation of elections, in a manner which gives
due priority to gender issues, by observation groups in which women
are adequately represented at all levels.
• Invite international and domestic observer groups to observe their
elections.
International actors should:
• Support the conduct of observation missions designed to look specifically
at women’s participation in elections.
• Encourage all governments to invite international observation
missions, and encourage observation by non-partisan domestic observer
groups.
• Continue to support the process of transition, democratization
and equality after the election is over, including by giving support
to women elected as legislators. Civil society actors should
• Organize briefings by women’s organizations and prominent
women leaders for the election observation teams, both international
and domestic.
• Actively seek credentials as non-partisan election observers,
bearing in mind that for security reasons, ideally, there should
be more than one woman observer at each polling station.
• Review election monitoring reports and advocate for reform.
ANNEX I
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS EXPERTS
Julie Ballington
Gender Officer
Political Parties Program
International IDEA
Stromsborg
S-103 34 Stockholm
Sweden
Tel: 46-8-698-3700
Fax: 46-8-202-422
Email: j.ballington@idea.int
Alcinda Antonio De Abreu
Director
Instituto Gedlide
(Gender Institute for Democracy, Leadership and Development)
Rua Vilanamuali No. 296
Maputo
Mozambique
Tel: 2581-414726
Email: cinda.antonio@tvcabo.co.mz
Tanya Domi
226 Kimberly Place
Apt. 4B
New York, NY 10463
USA
Tel: 718-543-2630
Email: tld@tanyadomi.com
Kareen Jabre
Programme Manager
Programme for the Promotion of Partnership between Men and Women
Inter-Parliamentary Union
5 Chemin du Pommier
1202 Le Grand-Saconnex
Switzerland
Tel: 0041-22-919-4125
Fax: 0041-22-919-4160
Email: kj@mail.ipu.org
Richard Matland
Professor
University of Houston
Department of Political Science
Room 447 P6H
Houston, TX, 77204-3011
USA
Tel: 713-743-3911
Fax: 713-743-3927
Email: matland@uh.edu
Luz Mendez
President
Advisory Council to the National Union of Guatemalan Women
2a calle 4-55 zona 1,
Guatemala City, Guatemala
Tel: + 502-232-4960 (Work)
Tel: + 502-270-3039 (Home)
US Address:
8 Peabody Terrace # 21
Cambridge, MA 02138
USA
Tel/Fax: 617-384-1335
Email: luzmeg@yahoo.com
Muna Ndulo
Professor of Law and Director
Institute for African Development
Cornell Law University
314 Myron Taylor Hall
Ithaca, NY 14853-4901
USA
Tel: 607-255-6642
Fax: 607-255-7193
Email: mbn5@cornell.edu
Milena Pires
UNIFEM Programme Coordinator
UNIFEM, UN House
Caicoli, Dili
Timor-Leste
Tel: 670- 724-0251
Email: milena.unifem@unagencies.east-timor.org
Email: milena.unifem@east-timor.org
Elizabeth Powley
Associate Director
Policy Commission
Women Waging Peace
2040 "S" Street, NW
Washington, DC 20009
USA
Tel: 202-403-2000
Fax: 202-299-9520
Email: powley@huntalternatives.org
Amal Sabbagh
Secretary-General
Jordanian National Commission for Women
PO Box 5118
Amman 11183
Jordan
Tel: 962-6-556-0741
Fax: 962-6-5827350
Email: jncw@nets.com.jo
Email: asabbagh@nets.com.jo
CONSULTANTS
Andrew Ellis
Head
Election Processes
International IDEA
Stromsborg
S-103 34 Stockholm
Sweden
Tel: 46-8-698-3734
Fax: 46-8-202-422
Email: a.ellis@idea.int
Michael Maley
Director
International Services Section,
Australian Electoral Commission
Canberra
Australia
Tel: 61- 2 – 6271- 4429
Fax: 61-2- 6271-4613
Email: michael.maley@aec.gov.au
OBSERVERS
Member States
Canada
Beatrice Maillé
Second Secretary
Economic and Social Affairs
Permanent Mission of Canada
to the United Nations
885 2nd Avenue, 14th Floor
New York, New York, 10017
USA
Tel: 212 848 1176
Fax: 212 848 1195
Email: beatrice.maille@dfait-maeci.gc.ca
Norway
Kjersti Rodsmoen
Minister Counsellor
Economic and Social Affairs
Permanent Mission of Norway to the United Nations
825 Third Avenue, 38th Floor
New York, NY 10022
USA
Tel: 212 310 1536
Fax: 212 688 0554
Email: kjersti.rodsmoen@mfa.no
Republic of Korea
Jin-woo Cho
Attaché
Ministry of Gender Equality
Permanent Mission of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations
335 East 45th Street
New York, New York 10017
USA
Tel: 212 439 4000
Fax: 212 986 1083
Email: cjw5@chollian.net
United Republic of Tanzania
H.E. Augustin P. Mahiga
Ambassador
Permanent Mission of the United Republic of Tanzania to the United
Nations
201 East 42nd Street, Suite 1700
New York, NY 10017
USA
Tel: 212 972 9160
Fax: 212 682 5232
Email: tzrepny@aol.com
United States of America
H.E. Ellen Sauerbrey
Ambassador
Permanent Mission of the United States of America to the United
Nations
4122 Sweet Air Road
Baldwin MD 21013
USA
Tel/Fax: 410-592-2200
Email: ellen99@erols.com
United Nations
Division for the Advancement of Women
Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA)
Makiko Tagashira
Social Affairs Officer
Division for the Advancement of Women
Two UN Plaza, Room DC2-1250
New York, New York 10017
Tel: 212-963-4836
Fax: 212-963-3463
Email: tagashira@un.org
United Nations System
United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP)
Stephanie Kuttner
Programme Analyst
Strategic Planning Unit
Bureau for Crisis, Prevention and Recovery
United Nations Development Fund
One United Nations Plaza, DC1- 2041
New York, NY 10017
Tel: 212 906 6749
Fax: 212 906 6887
Email: stephanie.kuttner@undp.org
United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)
Maha Muna
Governance, Peace and Security
United Nations Development Fund for Women
304 East 45th Street, 16th Floor
New York, New York 10017
Tel: 212-906-5110
Email: maha.muna@undp.org
Regional Organizations
Peter Eicher
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Office
for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)
600 H Street SW
Washington, DC
USA
Tel: 202-314-5711
E-mail: petereicher@hotmail.com
Civil Society
David Pottie
Senior Program Associate
Democracy Program
The Carter Center
453 Freedom Parkway
Atlanta, GA 30307
USA
Tel: 404 420 5174
Fax: 404 420 5196
Email: dpottie@emory.edu
Kristin Haffert
Manager
National Democratic Institute (NDI)
2030 M Street, NW, Fifth Floor Washington, DC 20036-3306
USA
Tel: 202 728 5512
Fax: 202 728 5520
Email: kristin.haffert@ndi.org
Edit Schlaffer
Women without Borders
Salzgries 19/21 - 1010 Vienna
Austria
Tel: 43 1 533 45 51
Fax: 43 1 533 4552
Email: office@women-without-borders.org
ORGANIZERS
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of
Women
Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA)
Angela E.V. King
Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women
Two UN Plaza, Room DC2-1220
New York, NY 10017
Tel: 212-963-5086
Fax: 212-963-1802
Email: king@un.org
Kate Burns
Senior Social Affairs Officer
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of
Women
Two UN Plaza, Room DC2-1206
New York, NY 10017
Tel: 917-367-5221
Fax: 212-963-1802
Email: burns2@un.org
Sylvia Hordosch
Personnel Policies Officer
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of
Women
Two UN Plaza, Room DC2-1208
New York, New York 10017
Tel: 917-963-5450
Fax: 212-963-1802
Email: hordosch@un.org
Annalisa Orlandi
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of
Women
Two UN Plaza, Room DC2-1206
New York, NY 10017
Tel: 917-367-2252
Fax: 212-963-1802
Email: orlandi@un.org
Department of Political Affairs
Sean Dunne
Electoral Assistance Division
Department of Political Affairs
United Nations
New York, NY 10017
Tel: 212- 963-2405
Fax: 212- 963-2979
Email: dunnes@un.org
Anna Peregrini
Electoral Assistance Division
Department of Political Affairs
United Nations
New York, NY 10017
Tel: 212- 963-5469
Fax: 212-963-2979
Email: peregrini@un.org
ANNEX II
LIST OF DOCUMENTS
Background Papers:
Papers by Consultants
EGM/ELEC/2004/BP.1
Enhancing women's participation in electoral processes in post-conflict
countries
Prepared by Michael Maley
EGM/ELEC/2004/BP.2
Enhancing women’s participation in electoral processes in post-conflict
countries
Prepared by Andrew Ellis
Papers by Experts
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.1 Electoral processes in selected countries of
the Middle East. A case study
Prepared by Amal Sabbagh
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.2 Constitutional provisions and enhancing participation
of women in elections
Prepared by Muna Ndulo
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.3 Post-election support
Prepared by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)
Presented by Kareen Jabre
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.4 Enhancing women's participation in electoral
processes in post-conflict countries. Experiences from Mozambique
Prepared by Alcinda De Abreu
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.5
Strengthening governance: The role of women in Rwanda's transition.
A summary
Prepared by Elizabeth Powley
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.6
Enhancing women's participation in electoral processes in post-conflict
countries: Experiences from East-Timor
Prepared by Milena Pires
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.7
Enhancing women's participation in electoral processes in post-conflict
countries: Guatemalan case study
Prepared by Luz Mendez
EGM/ELEC/2004/EP.8
Political parties and special measures: Enhancing women's participation
in electoral processes
Prepared by Julie Ballington and
Richard E. Matland
Papers by Observers
EGM/ELEC/2004/OP.1 Monitoring women's participation in elections
Prepared by Peter Eicher
EGM/ELEC/2004/OP.2
Enhancing women's participation in electoral processes in post-conflict
countries
Prepared by Ellen Sauerbrey
Additional Documents
An Annotated Bibliography of Selected Resources Materials Prepared
by the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues
and Advancement of Women, Department of Economic and Social Affairs,
January 2004
EGM/PEACE/2003/REPORT Peace agreements as a means for promoting
gender equality and participation of women – A framework of
model provision
Prepared by the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women,
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of
Women, Department of Political Affairs
Draft Handbook for Monitoring Women's Participation in Elections
Prepared by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights
A/RES/58/142 Women and political participation – General Assembly
resolution, 22 December 2003
ANNEX III
PROGRAMME OF WORK
Monday, 19 January 2004
6.00 p.m. Registration and Orientation
7:00 p.m. Opening Session
Ms. Angela E.V. King,
Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women
Mr. Sean Dunne,
Electoral Assistance Division, Department of Political Affairs
8:00 pm Dinner
Tuesday, 20 January 2004
8.30 – 9.00 a.m. Election of Officers
Introduction to the meeting
Adoption of programme of work
9:00 – 9:45 a.m. Presentation of background papers by consultants
Mr. Andrew Ellis
Mr. Michael Maley
Discussion
9:45 – 10:45 a.m. Country case studies
Ms. Luz Mendez: Guatemala:
Ms. Amal Sabbagh: Selected countries of the Middle East
Discussion
10:45 - 11:00 a.m. Break
11:00 – 12:30 p.m. Country case studies continued
Ms. Alcinda De Abreu: Mozambique
Ms. Elizabeth Powely: Rwanda
Ms. Milena Pires: Timor-Leste
Discussion
1:00 – 2.00 p.m. Lunch
2:00 – 3:30 p.m. Thematic Papers
1. Constitutional and legislative law: Mr. Muna Ndulo
2. Political parties and special measures: Ms. Julie Ballington
and
Mr. Richard Matland
3. Post-elections support: Ms. Kareen Jabre
Discussion
3:30 – 4:00 p.m. Ms. Tanya Domi: Bosnia-Herzegovina
Presentation of observer papers
4:00 – 4:15 p.m. Break
4:15 – 5:30 p.m. Working groups established and commence work
Wednesday, 21 January 2004
8.30 – 10.30 a.m. Working groups
10.30 – 11.00 a.m. Break
11.00 – 1.00 a.m. Working Groups
1:00 – 2:00 p.m. Lunch
2.00 – 5.00 p.m. Working groups
5:00 – 5:30 p.m. Plenary: feedback and status report from working
groupsThursday, 22 January 2004
8:30 – 11:00 a.m. Working groups to complete draft recommendations
11:00 – 11:30 a.m. Break
11:30 – 12:30 p.m. Plenary: review of final draft recommendations
12.30 – 1:30 p.m. Lunch
1:30 – 3:00 p.m. Plenary: discussion and approval of recommendations
3:30 p.m. Meeting adjourned