I. Structural Obstacles

a. Lack of necessary or any documentation

As was mentioned above, not having the documentation required in order to register to vote is a problem for many groups, including the poor and ethnic minorities.  It is also a particular problem for women.

In many countries, one must have a national identification card in order to register and vote.  Large numbers of women lack these cards.  The most basic identifying document that is usually necessary to obtain additional forms of identification that must be presented to register is the birth certificate, which women also often do not have. Additionally, one must also usually provide documentary proof of residence in order to register to vote, another paper women sometimes lack.  This dearth of documentation is largely due to women’s social isolation and exclusion from life outside the home in many countries, as well as at times negative intervention on the part of the men in these women’s lives.

According to the UN Resident Coordinator and United Nations Development Programme Resident Representative in Egypt, “It is estimated that in Egypt five million women are without ID cards. Shockingly, up to 80% of women in some areas do not have an ID card. Although figures of voter turnout according to gender are not available in Egypt, making it impossible to state the level of female turnout with certainty, the lack of ID cards means that in some places half of the population does not vote.”  UN Women and the UNDP are working with the Egyptian government now “to issue two million national ID cards to Egyptian women, with mobile registrars reaching out to the marginalised areas where these women live and visiting the schools to facilitate registration of girls who can get an ID card from the age of 16.”[12] 

Research and surveys have shown a large participation gap between men and women in Guatemala, and the primary reason for that is women’s difficulties in obtaining the identification document – the cedula—necessary to register to vote.[13]  In both Guatemala and Bolivia this has been demonstrated to be a particular problem for indigenous women. The Inter--‐American Development Bank (IADB) estimates that 10 percent of Guatemalans lack any documentation, including birth certificates, while 40 percent of indigenous Guatemalans are undocumented.  Some analyses conclude it could be as much as 50 percent among rural indigenous, especially women.[14] 

Similarly, NDI found during the 2010 election in Burkina Faso that the very low registration and voting rate was in large part due to the thousands of women who could not meet the documentation requirements in the registration process. 

For Burkina Faso’s last election – a presidential poll in 2010 –difficult and confusing requirements resulted in overwhelmingly low voter registration. Only three million of the country’s six million eligible citizens registered. And of those, only 1.7 million showed up at the polls. Women, in particular, faced formidable obstacles because of a requirement that citizens obtain a birth certificate before they can register. 

To get a birth certificate, citizens must have two witnesses, such as their mother or a midwife, to vouch for their birth in the country. But many women leave their birth villages when they get married and coming back to find witnesses can be a daunting task. Burkina Faso is one of the world’s poorest countries and for a woman to leave her village for an entire day to complete this task can cost more than she can afford.[15] 

According to the head of a national women’s coalition in Zimbabwe one of the requirements to register to vote in the 2013 election was proof of residence, “and we know that many women in Zimbabwe don’t own property or it is not registered in their name, so they struggled to get registered, and then on voting day there were women who could not find their names on voters roll.”[16] Properties, leases and utilities are registered in the names of men who are considered heads of households and who are normally responsible for paying for utilities, while women buy food, clothes and domestic labor.  As a result, women have no proof of residency.

Studies have also found getting identity documents to be a problem for women in Zimbabwe. “The processes of acquiring documents are, by and large, difficult for individuals trying to access identity documents for the first time, but for those who are trying to replace lost, stolen, or damaged documents, these difficulties increase when they are faced by women.”[17] In focus groups, one organization found that “Bureaucratic procedures in getting some identity documents were considered a challenge by most of the women. The women noted that the Office of the R-G [Registrar General] has its own set of rules and requirements, varying from place to place, which causes confusion as the women do not know exactly what they need to get identity documents.”[18] 

In Lebanon, the requirements regarding documentation are blatantly discriminatory. Women are required to provide documentary evidence of elementary school education, while men are not.[19] 

Identification and the Veil

 In some Muslim countries, requiring a photo identification has been problematic where women are not allowed to be photographed wearing the veil.  As described in detail below, this was a major impediment to women’s registration in Cameroon this year.  In Yemen, former British Member of Parliament and well known international elections expert Michael Meadowcraft, reports that,[20] 

at the first election for the reunited country, electoral registration with photo ID voters' cards was undertaken. Women had to lift their veils for the photo. A copy was on the card retained by the elector and a copy was on the register retained by the electoral authority. There was a very poor level of female electoral registration - around 14% I think, from memory. It was discovered that it was because of the copy of the photograph being retained by the electoral authority. At the subsequent election the rule was changed and only one photograph was required, ie that retained by the elector, and the registration level shot up - to 35%, I recall. Still poor but much better. There were separate polling stations for men and women, and the women did not object to raising the veil to have the voter's card photo checked. 

In Kenya in 2012, religious leaders advocated for allowing women to have their photographs taken privately so they would not have to lift their veils in public.[21] The veil issue has also reportedly presented problems in Uganda. “In preparation for 2006 General elections … women protested having to remove their veils so as to undergo the new finger print and facial recognition registration system that was introduced earlier in 2005.”[22] 

Reluctance to being photographed, and men’s discomfort with wives and daughters having their pictures taken has also been an obstacle to women’s voter registration in Afghanistan.[23] 

b. Passive systems

“Passive” systems whereby the government, usually an interior ministry, formulates the voter’s list based on the civil registry or some other database of citizen information, are generally less problematic.  However, even in passive systems, errors can be made.  In particular, women who have married and changed their names and addresses may be inadvertently disen­franchised if their records are not automatically updat­ed or if they have not reported their change of status to the appropriate authorities. While it does not have a passive system, this has been a problem in the United States when women’s names on the voter registration list don’t match the name on identification they are required to show in certain states.[24]

In Zimbabwe, for example, the General Laws Amendment Act allows the office of the registrar-general to change married women’s surnames to those of their husbands without notifying them or seeking their consent, thus potentially disenfranchising them. In the past, many women only became aware of the anomaly when the names on their identity documents did not match those on the voters’ roll, by which time it was probably too late to correct the error.

In Lebanon, there is a passive system – the problem is that married women’s place of registration is automatically their husband’s place of registration.  This can be an issue, for example, if a woman has moved away from her husband’s home.

c. Remote locations and limited hours 

In a voter registration system in which citizens must personally report to an office somewhere and apply with accompanying documentation, the location of and the hours available at that office are critical to whether citizens have a full and fair opportunity to register to vote.  Sparse locations, especially in rural areas, and limited times of opening hours present particular obstacles for women given their role in society.  For example, in most countries, women continue to be the primary caretakers of children, and in many cases, elderly members of the family.  This may constrict their ability to get to an office that is far away and not open hours which are convenient for her.  A woman may have greater concerns about security in travelling long distances, and transportation that is accessible to her might not be available.  Women, who are often the face of poverty, may not have the financial means to travel long distances. Some women in certain countries are unable to walk the necessary distances. As a result, the decisions of the elections authorities about the location and times of voter registration activities can make all the difference as to whether women can participate or not.

The IADB reports that in Guatemala low income precludes affording the indirect costs of processing a registration, such as the trip (travel from the village to the administrative center of the municipality), the loss of work hours, etc., in addition to the direct cost of the document (neighborhood card or the process to register the birth certificate when it was not registered on time), since the Civil Registry offices are located in the cities that serve as administrative centers for municipalities.”[25] 

In Colombia the National Registry reported that as of July 2012, 1.4 million citizens had applied for identity cards but had not picked them up.[26]  One of the difficulties is that while the government sends out mobile units to register people, often they must travel on their own to an urban center to get the ID. In some areas the only way to travel is on the river by boat, which is complicated and expensive for many. Moreover, it can be dangerous to travel in some areas given the ongoing conflict. 

In some villages in Uganda voter registration centers are simply too far away for women to walk to.[27]  A member of Uganda’s election management body has observed that “women cannot withstand the long queues that [are] common during voter registration exercise in most African Countries. In most cases voter registration kits are few and time scheduled for the exercise is also limited.”[28] Another interlocutor in Uganda says “most women are too poor to even afford a little transport to take them to these registration centers, they are already bogged down by home/family needs and see this as wastage of the already meager resources.”[29] The same is reportedly true in the Democratic Republic of Congo.[30]  This is similarly the case in some parts of Kenya. According to one interlocutor, “Domestic responsibilities prevent women from registering especially due to the long queues yet the woman has children, land to till and livestock to attend to.” Lack of security in travelling to the site is also a problem.[31]  Another Kenyan interlocutor similarly reports that “Some registration centers are located far away and women find it difficult to travel the long distances. Furthermore, transport infrastructure may discourage the women who may be required to for example cross several rivers before reaching the centers. Women therefore do not feel secure traveling several kilometers while enduring the above difficulties.”[32]

II. Socio-Economic Constraints

Obstacles due to time and travel limitations are in part due to women’s lack of resources, including relative to men.  However, there are other social issues that impact women’s ability to register to vote.  One of these is lack of education and high rates of illiteracy. People with little education and/or who are unable to read or write, disproportionately women in many places, may be unaware of the registration process or be unable to read, fill in or sign the necessary forms.  Lack of education and illiteracy can mean women are not conscious of their voting rights, do not have access to information about candidates and issues, and do not understand the political system or how elections and public policy affect their lives.[33]  Often, voter education campaigns regarding registration to the extent they are conducted in some countries cannot or do not take into account low rates of literacy or always sufficiently target poorly educated populations.

Unquestionably globally and especially in the developing world the education gap between girls and boys and men and women is great.  According to UNICEF,

Despite progress in recent years, girls continue to suffer severe disadvantage and exclusion in education systems throughout their lives. An estimated 31 million girls of primary school age and 34 million girls of lower secondary school age were not enrolled in school in 2011. Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest proportion of countries with gender parity: only two out of 35 countries. In the Central African Republic, Niger, Chad and Malawi, fewer than 1 in 200 girls go to university. Furthermore, recent estimates predict that only 62 out of 168 countries will achieve gender parity in secondary education by 2015.[34] 

Similarly, according to the UN, two-thirds of the 774 million illiterate people in the world are female. [35]

The connection between lack of education and literacy and ability to register to vote is evident in a number of countries.  Human Rights Watch has identified lack of access to information and low literacy rates as a contributing factor to lower levels of voter registration in Libya.[36]  The same is the case in Mali.[37] 

According to an IFES study in Pakistan, illiteracy is a barrier to women’s awareness of elections. In particular, women ignore the importance of the exercise of their right to vote, as they are mainly absorbed by their domestic tasks, family duties and income-earning activities. 

Two-thirds of Pakistan’s working age women, some 40 million, are illiterate. The World Economic Forum ranked Pakistan near the very bottom of its ‘gender gap” report, only ahead of Yemen.[38]

According to a report by the US Institute for Peace, “women tend to be more excluded from the electoral process than men because…as a group they have significantly lower literacy, are less informed about the electoral process, and face restrictions in their access to the public aspects of elections,  including registering to vote and traveling to the polls.”[39]

In Guatemala, 23% of women have had no schooling, 33% cannot read or write, and 77% of rural women are illiterate. In Bolivia 17% of women have no schooling, as compared to only 5% of men. Among rural women 34% have no education, as compared to 11% of men. 

Another important issue is that according to the United Nations, the overwhelming majority of internally displaced persons are women and children.[40]  As IDPs, these women likely lack identity documents or a permanent address, both necessary to register to vote.  In some countries programs are established to facilitate the voting rights of IDPs, but often the capacity to do that is not available. In some countries there is no legal right to vote for IDPs. 

III. Cultural, Social and Political Obstacles

Religious customs, conservative interpretations of religious law,[41] traditional cultural norms and societies permeated with gender discrimination and gendered roles, both formal and informal pose some of the biggest obstacles to women’s ability to participate in political life through registering and voting among other activities.[42]

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, a body created by CEDAW, has described the issue this way:

Invariably, women have been assigned to the private or domestic sphere, associated with reproduction and the raising of children, and in all societies these activities have been treated as inferior. By contrast, public life, which is respected and honoured, extends to a broad range of activity outside the private and domestic sphere. Men historically have both dominated public life and exercised the power to confine and subordinate women within the private sphere.

…Despite women's central role in sustaining the family and society and their contribution to development, they have been excluded from political life and the decision-making process, which nonetheless determine the pattern of their daily lives and the future of societies.

…In all nations, the most significant factors inhibiting women's ability to participate in public life have been the cultural framework of values and religious beliefs, the lack of services and men's failure to share the tasks associated with the organization of the household and with the care and raising of children. In all nations, cultural traditions and religious beliefs have played a part in confining women to the private spheres of activity and excluding them from active participation in public life.[43]

A report for the Working Group on the issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice makes a similar observation.

Discrimination against women in public and political life is related to the discrimination that women face in other aspects of their lives, as human rights are indivisible. Structural and systemic barriers in society, such as deeply entrenched gender roles and negative gender stereotyping, limit women… In addition to women’s caregiver responsibilities, women’s participation in political and public life can be significantly limited by patriarchal culture, where women are not considered socially fit to enter politics.[44] 

These cultural barriers exist in all regions of the world.  The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has observed that

Among the main causes that originate and perpetuate inequality between men and women in regard to political participation is the continuation “of a patriarchal gender order that maintains a sexual division of labor, limiting women to the private space and men to the public realm.” Civil society organizations have indicated to the Commission that women’s exercise of their right to participate is constrained and limited by a political culture that denies them the opportunity to share power with men and that permeates the political game, the structures and procedures of political groups, and the behavior of the electorate.[45]

These kinds of barriers are much more difficult to combat that those that are structural or even to some degree those that are socio-economic in nature.  It is one thing to advocate for more and more conveniently located voter registration centers, or even that election management bodies take specific measures to ensure that women lacking literacy skills get the information they need.  Religious and cultural norms are a different matter altogether.  They are so ingrained in certain cultures, and in the women themselves, that it is a long term battle to get belief systems to change, among women and men.  It is an effort that must be undertaken however, in conjunction with other efforts, if there is to be true gender equity in the political realm, including in the number of women who register and vote.

The issues surrounding religion are often delicate.  It is difficult for women who may believe, or have been told, that their religious tenets mean they are prohibited from taking the steps necessary register to vote to overcome that conditioning.  Voting rights for women have been prohibited altogether in some Gulf States until very recently, and is some are still heavily circumscribed. International documents, however, would seem to leave little room for exception on this basis when it comes to democratic rights and equality under the law, although many countries in the Middle East and North Africa have made reservations to certain provisions of CEDAW on just this rationale.[46] 

Some of the suppression of women’s registration and participation also stems from tribal culture, which can be difficult for women to challenge. Sometimes the women themselves are so socialized in these ways of life that it does not occur to them to think or behave otherwise.  International IDEA reported in a 2005 publication regarding Yemen that while participation rates were improving, negative stances towards women’s engagement “has been consecrated by the tribe, its value system and its negative view of women.”[47] As one Kenyan interlocutor said to us, “The role of choosing or electing leaders in some traditional African communities was the preserve of men. This role has found its place in contemporary African communities as traditions are not easily written off. Women are expected by society to be home makers and those who find their way to the registration centers do so at the instructions of the men on where to register and more so who to vote for.”[48] In Mali, NDI has found one of the reasons for the low participation of women in political decision-making lies in the organization of the traditional society. The woman bears the weight of traditions and customs that consider politics the business of men. Therefore, the community, including women and especially husbands are reluctant to allow women into this sphere of life.[49]

The problem of barriers to women travelling outside the home, for religious or cultural reasons, is one of the biggest when it comes to women’s ability to go and register to vote.  The practice of fathers and husbands and the social codes of the wider society placing strict limits on women’s public movements is a widespread phenomenon. For example, half of Yemeni women surveyed by the Status of Women in the Middle East and North Africa (SWMENA) Project “report being completely restricted from leaving their house without permission (47 percent) and another 15 percent say they are somewhat restricted.”[50]  In rural areas of Pakistan, many women do not get their identity documents because they are unable to leave their house without a male guardian.[51]

An IFES survey found that women in Libya were 22 percent less likely to have voted in the most recent elections and that

Women in Libya tend to be relatively restricted in their abilities to move around and express themselves freely: at least one in five female respondents felt somewhat or completely restricted in associating with persons of her own choosing (24%), moving about in public areas without fear or pressure (29%), and expressing her views on critical issues to family, neighbors and friends (34%). Most concerning is that a 57% majority of women say that they feel completely (37%) or somewhat (20%) restricted in leaving their houses without permission. This shows the extent to which women in Libya face to remain homebound in their daily activities and could partially explain why their levels of civic engagement are low especially when it comes to activities that require them leaving their houses.[52]

Although the 2012 elections in Libya were seen as an improvement, Human Rights Watch nonetheless observed that

Restrictions on women’s participation in politics were not only found in legal prohibitions, but primarily in social and cultural obstacles and pressures. Libyan women historically had very few opportunities to rise to positions of political leadership and decision-making. Politics was generally seen as “no place for a woman,” and many families discouraged participation in public life in order to “protect honor, dignity, and marriageability,” according to women’s rights activists.[53] 

Restrictions on women’s interaction with men can also be a problem.  For example, in Pakistan the practice of employing only male registrars for house calls likely contributed to low female registration as in many areas women at home without their male relatives were unlikely to even open the door to an unfamiliar male visitor. In the context of door-to-door registration, cultural norms forbid men to tell the names of their women family members to male strangers.  This contributed to the shortfall of women voters in voters’ lists. Many states have indeed tried to manage this by having female registrars for female voters, but this can be a challenge to implement, especially in recruiting sufficient numbers of staff.[54]

In many parts of Latin America, a persistent, though waning, “machismo” culture can be a major deterrent to women registering to vote. For example UNICEF has said that in Bolivia, for example, “a traditional misogynist culture persists where women are assigned a subordinate, traditional and dependent role.”[55]  More specifically, according to another report, “ One example is Aymara democracy—the Aymara being one of the most populous indigenous peoples in Bolivia—in which only males can participate in public debate: the Communal Assembly—parlakipawi—as the highest authority and centre of community life, bars female participation. Being elected the main authority (jilakata or kuraka) is a privilege that is enjoyed only by men who are married, own land, and are heads of family.”[56]  An NDI workshop in Guatemala revealed the sense among women that male chauvinism continues to be a barrier to women participating in elections in that country.[57] 

Such attitudes are problematic in Asia as well. “In South Asia, patriarchy, seclusion and the power of the family to exercise social control over male and female activities mean that most women are unaware of their rights and lack the means to realize them.”[58] 

Violence against women, directly in connection with the election, in the country or the community, as well as in the home acts as a deterrent to women’s registering to vote.  It creates a real atmosphere of intimidation and instills a sense of fear and inferiority in a woman who might otherwise want to engage. “In addition to violence, the threat of violence can stop women from fully participating in political life. The fear of violence can have the psychological effect on women of restricting their participation.”[59] CEDAW General Recommendation 19 specifically notes that all forms of violence against women inhibit their political participation.

IFES has done a thorough study of the various forms of electoral violence against women and their impact on women’s political participation that goes into this issue in depth and should be read for a full discussion of this subject.  The author writes

Most women, and men, in any given country will never run for office or become prominent leaders in political movements. However, women represent a powerful political force as citizens, voters, journalists, caregivers and educators, amongst a myriad of other roles. It is in these political roles that women also become distinct targets of gender-specific electoral violence. Violent acts that target voters, or the general population, are designed to dissuade voters from casting their ballots, registering to vote or participating in rallies and other political events. In some cases, attacks like this are overtly gender-targeted…[60] 

Analyzing data from a number of countries across several years, Bardall finds “women voters are the second-most frequent type of female victims of electoral violence (22 percent of all female victim types). These women were attacked either at polling places, during voter registration or during other civic activities. Female voters are victims at roughly four times the rate of male voters (6 percent of total male victims).”[61]  Moreover, intimidating political rhetoric can lead to women’s disenfranchisement, as can politically-motivated physical and sexual violence against women that takes place outside and inside the home.”[62] 

Sexual abuse for electoral motives includes politically-motivated rape as a tool of terror and intimidation, marital rape as a tool of repression, sexual harassment, assault and abuse with the objective of controlling, intimidating, humiliating and disenfranchising the victim. Sexual abuse by public actors is estimated to be grossly under-reported, while private abuse for political purposes still remains almost entirely outside of formal research approaches. Physical violence for purposes of social control at the community and family levels and politically-motivated domestic violence are both powerful tools to control and influence women’s political behavior which also remain largely undocumented.[63] 

Bardall cites specific examples of gender targeted electoral violence meant to deter women from registering, voting and engaging politically, such as “the brutal army crackdown on a pro-election rally in Conakry, Guinea in 2008, when scores of women were raped.”[64] 

While less the case in the 2013 election, women in Zimbabwe have been particularly subjected to violence meant to deter their participation, and for the last several years Zimbabwean women have reported in large numbers feeling unsafe and experiencing violence against them in election periods, especially in 2008 when almost 2/3 of women said they had been subjected to election related violence.[65] 

This has also been a major barrier in Bolivia. “In Bolivia now, harassment and violence against women involved in politics is the main barrier against women’s political participation” (Open Democracy, 2010).”[66]

While it is impossible to provide precise data on the links between public and private violence against women and voter registration rates specifically, climates of fear and intimidation and real threats undoubtedly factor into women’s decisions as to whether to risk the trouble of going through the voter registration process, the first and most basic step to participating politically. 

Finally, another disturbing trend is the number of women who have been socialized to believe they should not participate in elections, that the public sphere belongs to men, or lack confidence in their own ability to make decisions, and hence do not register to vote. When we posed the question of what contributes to the gap in voter registration between men and women to the ACE Practitioners Network, it was truly striking how many respondents cited women’s own belief systems and lack of self-confidence as major factors in their countries. While contributions were made from elections experts and administrators from a number of different countries, this factor came up repeatedly among respondents discussing Burundi. Moreover, it is reported that given their own personal experiences, many women have also come to believe that registering and voting will not make a difference, a cynicism that is shared by men but is exacerbated in the case of women whose lives may be highly circumscribed and rights suppressed in a multitude of respects.[67]

IV. Current Efforts and the Way Forward

It is important to note that in many countries around the world women register in numbers equal to or greater than men, and that there are some countries that have and are making substantial progress in this regard.  The challenge going forward is to gather sufficient data and conduct analysis as to how these countries have managed to achieve such success. 

For example, progress has been made in many parts of Latin America. The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights has found that 

According to data from state and non‐state sources, in several countries of the region the percentage of women voters—or those are registered to vote pursuant to electoral rolls—is higher than that of their male counterparts. In fact, there have been high turnouts of women voters in recent elections. Thus, according to the data of the States, in Ecuador, 52.23 percent of women voted in 2007, as compared to 48.24 percent of men; in El Salvador, women accounted for 53.45 percent of the vote in 2004, while the corresponding figure for men was 46.55 percent; in Honduras, women accounted for approximately 52 percent of voters in the 2005 elections; and in Mexico, electoral rolls reveal that more women registered to vote than did men between 2004 and 2008…. in Guatemala, the increase in women registering to vote was twice that of men...[68] 

There has been evident success in India as well where “more women than men have voted in recent elections held in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Manipur, Uttarakhand and Goa.  Several measures by the Indian Election Commission such as the distribution of voter slips and support to first time voters, ensuring that violence was minimized, increased the level of confidence among women voters in the recently concluded state assembly elections in five states in 2012.”[69] 

Election management bodies, civil society and international organizations are making efforts across the globe to improve women’s voter registration rates.  There are anecdotal successes.  For example, NDI and UN based programs, among others, to educate women about the voter registration process and to help them get requisite identification in various countries seem to have made a difference.  But no serious analysis seems to have been conducted that could help provide for best practices taking into account a spectrum of contexts and environments.  This is a gap in research and a missing element in the work to improve political participation among women. 

The current registration process taking place in Afghanistan might provide the opportunity for an interesting case study as a next step.  The election commission, with international assistance, is taking major steps to increase the number of women registered to vote there, given the wide gap in male and female registration rates. 

As of mid-October, the registration numbers helpfully posted on the commission’s website were 1,282,880 men and 696,998 women.  In November, the IEC announced that with a few days remaining in the process, approximately 2.7 million people had registered to vote, 1 million of whom were women.[70] There is clearly still a tremendous disparity by gender. The process began in May, and while registration in most parts of the country is formally ending, in some places certain programs will continue until March 22, 2014.[71] 

Women in Afghanistan confront many of the same problems that women studied elsewhere face with the added issue of extreme insecurity. The activities of the Taliban and ongoing violence throughout the country limit much of the population’s ability to participate in public life. Due to cultural norms, women are not entrusted with the right to get voter cards, women are restricted by their families in their ability to move about freely, and women are concerned about having to deal with men at the registration centers, particularly having to have their pictures taken.  As with much of the population, there is also a certain degree of cynicism among women that participating will lead to change with respect to the issues of concern to them.[72] 

The commission has been touting a number of measures they are taking to address these challenges.. The IEC created a gender unit and a specific gender strategy for the upcoming elections, particularly focused on voter registration. The IEC website describes the program as follows: 

In preparation for the elections, the IEC has undertaken strategies to encourage female voters to register, as well as to increase the female staff at IEC headquarters and provinces to actually conduct voter registration. The IEC will continue to involve influential leaders, including Mullahs and women’s networks, to create awareness on the importance of women’s electoral participation. The public outreach work of IEC will not only develop targeted messages for female voters, but will also ensure that gender is taken into account in all of the messaging in order to promote a gender responsive voter education approach. This is intended to promote inclusiveness and transparency in the electoral processes, and to safeguard the fundamental right to vote for all eligible women voters. 

Similarly, with regards to IEC staffing, efforts are being put into place to ensure women’s active role in the election administration structures, including: female trainers; female voter educators; and voter registration and polling staff… One important example of the need for a specific focus on gender in the electoral process is the fact that the IEC has provided female voters with culture sensitive options in regard to the issue of photos on voter registration cards. While the IEC is not insisting on female photo IDs, it does stress that as a measure to minimize fraud, IEC encourages female voters to have a picture in their cards when possible.[73] 

The IEC has also developed an information leaflet targeted at women which it hopes to disseminate widely. To expand its efforts to educate women about their rights and the registration process, a number of TV and radio PSAs have been created by the public relations department focused on women and voting and are currently airing in the country.  In addition, the IEC is trying to establish registration centers with separate female stations staffed with female officers,[74] though so far it has had trouble recruiting sufficient numbers of women in some regions. The IEC has opened 385 registration centres with plans for a total of 399 centres throughout the country. According to press reports, the IEC is also deploying mobile registration in order to reach more women.[75]  

While the IEC is underfunded, and perhaps started these programs later than they should have for maximum effect, the efforts it is undertaking seem worth ongoing study and analysis for determining the relative value of future activities in Afghanistan and elsewhere. 

Conclusion

Women clearly confront a number of different kinds of obstacles to registering to vote around the world.  As a result, they are blocked from public and political participation at the most basic level, even before the stage of going to cast a ballot.  While not a problem in every country, there is enough anecdotal and even quantitative data in a few places to demonstrate it is a trouble spot that the international community, national governments, elections administrators and civil society ought to pay closer attention to.  While some of the cultural and religious obstacles may seem difficult to overcome, we have seen in some countries election administrators try to accommodate women who find themselves so restricted.  In many parts of the world, the problem is women’s lack of documentation, which is a problem that goes beyond just women, and beyond just registering and voting, that needs addressing.  Some countries are starting to take measures to do so.  These activities are promising, but not sufficient. 

The first step to finding the right solutions to these problems is to obtain more data.  At the very least, advocates, analysts and policymakers need disaggregated registration data to know where the problems are the gravest.  In addition, there is a great need to undertake analysis of existing and previous programs to increase women’s participation in voter registration to assess what are the best strategies and programs, and under what circumstances might they be successfully duplicated. 

The matter of “gender mainstreaming” in both elections analysis and observation and in other policy realms has risen to a high level of attention in recent years.  The voter registration process is often left out however when these discussions take place.  If we are to truly attain gender equity in the political realm as well as other spheres of life, this is an aspect of public participation that requires greater consideration, and action. 

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