EMBs often conduct gender assessments or mapping exercises to identify unequal opportunities for men and women in the electoral process. These gender-based analyses can be conducted at different stages of the electoral process, and can help EMBs articulate their positions on gender equality and develop gender internal policies.[1] 

The post-electoral period offers EMBs a window of opportunity to reflect on the election process, analyze strengths and vulnerabilities of their internal gender equality policies and collect lessons learned. The impact of elections on men and women, as well as their respective levels of participation, is often analyzed through post-election evaluation exercises conducted by EMBs. Some of the aspects that can be considered in post-electoral evaluations include the proportion of women among newly elected authorities, candidates, electoral staff and polling officers, as well as sex-disaggregated turnout rates. Also, post-electoral legislative reviews can help assess barriers to women’s participation within the law, identify areas of improvement in the domestic legal framework and make recommendations for legal reform to foster women’s participation.[2]

Example: In Sierra Leone, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and UNDP conducted a gender assessment following the March 2018 presidential, parliamentary and local elections. This assessment examined women’s electoral participation as voters, candidates, political party members, electoral administrators and observers. The report contained recommendations to increase women’s participation, which were addressed to the government, the National Electoral Commission, the Political Parties Registration Commission, the police and international partners.[3]

Example: The Election Commission of Nepal (ECN) carried out a gender mapping in the field of elections in 2010, with support from UNDP and IFES. This mapping analyzed the legal and institutional framework, identifying obstacles to women’s electoral participation and their working conditions within the ECN. The mapping methodology was based on interviews and group discussions with a wide range of electoral stakeholders. The Commission committed to follow the recommendations of the study, including establishing gender focal points, implementing capacity-building programs for staff, adopting a
 gender policy in 2013 and an Action Plan for its implementation. In 2014, 
it also created a Gender Unit.[4]

Example: Through its 2011 strategic plan, the Moldovan Central Electoral Commission (CEC) committed to mainstream gender equality throughout its work. A reference group was created to supervise a gender audit of the electoral process, comprised of Commission members, staff, civil society and UNDP partners. The audit made recommendations to promote gender equality through CEC policies and procedures and legal reform.[5]

Example: The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) conducted a gender audit of the electoral process in 2015, with support from UN Women. Its findings informed the development of a Gender Strategy in 2016.[6]

Example: In Pakistan, the Electoral Commission conducted a post-election review in 2013 that led to concrete recommendations for legislative reforms to the complaint and dispute management system related to the disenfranchisement of women voters.[7]

Example: In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a post-election analysis is made after every election that includes a gender equality perspective, including statistics on the number of women candidates, elected candidates and voter turnout.[8]

Example: In Canada, various post-election reports include a gender equality perspective related to voter turnout rates, reasons for not voting and women’s participation as candidates.[9]

Example: In Afghanistan, the 2010 post-election review conducted by the Independent Election Commission (IEC) identified at least three areas for potential legislative change to enhance women’s representation, including tightening the language that provides for the gender quota; reconsidering the regulations which require public servants to resign before they nominate as a candidate for election; and making some allowances for women candidates in accepting in-kind support from international donors for campaign expenses.[10]