Across the globe, electoral management policies and procedures address VAWE in different ways. EMBs can consider a wide range of entry points to tackle VAWE throughout the electoral cycle. Conducting risk assessments and mapping of VAWE, as well as integrating this dimension into general security assessments, can help EMBs identify hotspot areas and design effective monitoring and mitigation strategies. During voter and candidate registration processes, EMBs can adopt measures to ensure the security of women, such as keeping voters’ names and identifying characteristics unpublished (anonymous registration) and adjusting location, opening hours and security protocol of candidate registration offices. During the electoral campaign, EMBs can also fight VAWE by referring VAWE cases to competent authorities, launching civic and voter education programs and raising awareness among electoral staff. Integrating the issue of VAWE into training programs and outreach activities can contribute to raise public awareness on the importance of this subject for women’s rights. When required, EMBs can adopt gender-sensitive security measures during Election Day, such as separate lines for men and women in polling stations, recruitment of sufficient female polling staff and placement of polling stations to minimize travel time through hotspots. The police and other security forces can also take steps to address VAWE, especially during the electoral period, by assessing gender specific security risks in operational planning for electoral security, recruiting more women among their staff and referring VAWE cases to gender focal points or gender desks. In the post-election period, when their mandate allows it, EMBs may launch investigations, sanction VAWE perpetrators, and provide evidence in court cases.[1] 

Example: In Tanzania, the Democratic Empowerment Project (DEP), implemented jointly by UNDP, UN Women, UNESCO, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC), aimed to fight discrimination and VAW against persons with disabilities in the 2015 elections. The project allowed for the review of the Electoral Code of Conduct, the development of gender-sensitive guidelines both for election observation and voter education, as well as the adoption of a Gender and Social Inclusion Policy by the ZEC. This initiative also supported police training by developing a training manual on gender, human rights and the role of the police during elections, which addressed how different types of violence that may occur during election campaigns affect men and women. A total of 103 police officers received training for trainers, and, in turn, they trained around 6,000 other police officers around the country. The Tanzania Police Force (TPF) integrated VAW into its Incidence Reporting and Response System (IRRS), an IT tool that facilitates rapid response to electoral violence, based on VAWE typology and checklists developed in collaboration with the Network of Female Police Officers.[2] 

Example: In Macedonia, the State Election Commission implemented a program to mitigate the practice of family voting. As part of this program, the Commission issued a directive to all staff on the prevention of family voting and published a strategy against family and proxy voting that allowed coordinating efforts of government and donors in this area.[3] 

Example: In Kenya, UN Women developed a draft training facilitator manual in 2017, with UNDP support, to strengthen the capacities of duty bearers to support survivors of VAWE using existing protocol and measures for reporting, responding, investigating and prosecuting VAW. This manual was created as a response to post-election violence experienced by women and girls in the 2007 electoral process, and as part of broader initiatives to fight VAWE in the country. With a survivor-centered approach, the manual covers issues such as how to provide direct support to those affected by VAWE. It also provides information about Kenya’s relevant legal framework and health, security and justice sector responses to cases of VAWE.[4] 

Example: In Burundi, in 2014, the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) disaggregated statistics from past elections to better understand VAWE in the country and to plan for prevention strategies in the forthcoming 2015 elections.[5] 

Example: In Papua New Guinea, the Electoral Commission found that women were subject to coercion by family and community voting practices, where the male head of household or the community leader would instruct them how to vote, compromising voter secrecy. As a response, the Commission instituted separate voting booths for men and women, under the assumption that women would vote freely if their male counterparts were not present.[6]