Newsletter May 2014 —
English
 

Newsletter May 2014

Dear Reader,

The May 2014 edition of the ACE Newsletter highlights:

  • Feature Article: 'Building resilience to electoral risks: Risks During the Campaign Phase and Electoral Risk Management'
  • ACE Practitioners' Spotlight: Liberata Irambona
  • Practitioners' Network Updates
  • Ongoing Discussions Inside the PN
  • New publications by ACE Partner organizations and members of the ACE Practitioners' Network 

Best regards,

The ACE Electoral Knowledge Network

 

Feature: Building Resilience to Electoral Risks (Risks During the Campaign Phase and Electoral Risk Management)

 

Sead Alihodzic*

Elections are essential in ensuring the functioning of democratic societies. They do not only determine the course of national affairs, but have an impact on regional and global political, economic and security developments. 

Despite rich democratic traditions in some societies, and the determination of new democracies to conduct flawless electoral processes, democracy practitioners agree that there are no perfectly conducted elections. This is due to the complexities involved in ensuring that all eligible citizens can participate in elections as voters or candidates, and that the process yields genuine results. 

This short article will point to the main electoral risks during the campaign phase to argue the need for institutionalized electoral risk management across the electoral cycle in all democratic countries. 

Electoral risks and consequences

Elections are made of many interconnected building blocks. These relate to legal, operational, technical, political, security and other aspects of electoral processes. The electoral cycle approach represents a useful tool to understand the substance and the chronology of electoral processes. Linkages between different electoral blocks are not always visible, but it is very likely that problems with one will negatively impact another segment of the electoral cycle.    

Although the consequences of problematic elections may differ in well-established and transitional democracies, they are always serious. In the former, weak electoral processes may generate political crises, attract domestic criticism and negative international publicity, and result in legal challenges. In conflict-prone societies, similar problems may further  deepen social conflicts and trigger violent outbreaks which in turn may cause deaths, suffering, destruction and economic downturns. Controversies surrounding the USA presidential elections held in 2000, and the Kenyan general elections held in 2007 provide good examples of both scenarios.    

While risks are context specific, and may change from one electoral phase to another, practitioners and researchers often point to the significance of the campaign period risks. 

Process and structural risk factors during the campaign phase

Confrontations over political views and competition for power are important pillars of credible electoral processes. However, due to the high stakes for electoral actors, it may be difficult to always sustain so called ‘constructive conflict’.  This is particularly true during the campaign phase of the electoral cycle. In contexts where election winners take all power, and where stakeholders feel impunity, campaigning can be unfair, while debating may take a course of intimidation or threats, even trigger physical violence. 

Two types of risk factors may be observed across the electoral cycle. Process risks relate to behaviors of different electoral actors, and the operational challenges in implementing electoral activities. Structural risk factors relate to exogenous conditions which can disturb electoral processes. 

Process-related risk factors present during the campaign phase, that can undermine credibility of electoral processes and institutions, may include (for more see: International IDEA - The Guide on Factors of Election-related Violence Internal to Electoral Processes, 2013):

  • Unequal media access and favouritism: Although the role and importance of web-based social media has dramatically increased in recent years, the traditional media, such as radio, TV and the print media, remain very important campaigning means in most country contexts. Favouritism on the part of the state or privately-owned media towards the candidates may include biased reporting, disproportional media coverage time, discrimination against political opponents, and unethical reporting.  
  • Provocative use of media by political parties: Although envisaged as a platform for issues-based presentation and policy debate media campaigning often turns into a campaign of derogation and hate speeches. Political parties sometimes abuse campaign opportunities and access to the media to disseminate false statements, and create imaginary threats and a feeling of insecurity in order to mobilize support. 
  • Unequal party rallying opportunities: Political parties organize rallies during the electoral campaign period to reinforce links between the political leadership, the party activists, and the party supporters. Inability of political actors to hold political rallies may negatively impact their election results. Therefore, political actors, in particular the incumbent party that controls the state or regional institutions, can obstruct or impose campaign limitations to prevent political opponents from rallying.  
  • Provocative and violent actions of political parties: These actions often take place during the election campaign period. They involve aggressive party activists, recruited thugs or members of party militias who commit acts of harassment, intimidation, assaults, violence against women and girls, destruction of property, political assassinations and other unlawful acts. Actions are directed against political opponents, their supporters, journalists and others.
  • Problematic campaign financing: Spending larger amount of funds during the electoral campaign may help in securing larger popular support. However, production of promo materials, buying media advertisement time, paying for public relations experts and support staff, travel expenses, and rental of rallying venues is expensive. Therefore, political parties will try to mobilize funds that will give them an edge over opponents. Fundraising can create donor dependency, or allow the influx of illegal funds into elections. Where the campaign finance is regulated, monitoring and enforcement may be difficult. Non-transparent and illegal spending, such as the vote buying, is particularly critical.

Structural factors affect elections in conflict-prone societies in particular. Unlike process factors, which may be specific to the campaign phase only, structural risk factors are likely to be present throughout the whole electoral cycle with the strong possibility of determining electoral outcomes or derailing democratic processes. The most critical structural risks that need to be considered during the campaign phase are (for more see: International IDEA - The Guide on Factors of Election-related Violence External to Electoral Processes, 2013): 

  • Gender based discrimination and violence: This violence, directed predominantly against women and girls, has been a feature of many political and ethnic conflicts. In many instances, violence against women has been a tool of political harassment and intimidation of female election candidates. Insults towards women in politics tend to focus on undermining their capacity as leaders as opposed to men, who are assumed to be born leaders. In addition, violence or threats of violence directed against women has the effect of keeping them away from the campaign events and polling stations.  
  • The presence of the non-state armed actors: These include armed actors who are not part of the regular security forces or institutions, such as rebels or guerrilla fighters, militias or paramilitaries, warlords, terrorists etc. Their presence or influence will increase risks of violence during elections, in particular if they oppose democratic processes or engage in the manipulation of elections through intimidation of candidates and voters.  
  • The presence of organized crime groups: These groups usually seek to take control or ‘capture’ state institutions through corruption and extortion. When the state has been captured and loses the ability to deliver services, these groups tend to undermine the legitimacy of the state. Organized crime networks are particularly interested in protecting their ‘territories’ by ensuring that local bureaucracies, the security sector, judges and prosecutors as well as local politicians are on their side. By resorting to violence during the campaign period, they try to eliminate politicians who wish to tackle organized crime, and intimidate their supporters. 
  • Grievances relating to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes: These affect societies in such a way that the electoral process can hardly escape their consequences. In the aftermath of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes, the tensions between different groups remain high. If explored by politicians, past traumas may help homogenizing and mobilizing the masses behind a hard-line political agenda. This will inevitably increase the prospects of exclusion and violent incidents.

Other structural factors that may be considered, in terms of risks to undermine democratic practices during the campaign phase and the electoral cycle as a whole, include:  socio-economic conditions, social and political exclusions, changing power dynamics, human rights violations, environmental hazards etc.   

Risk management in elections

Electoral risk management entails systematic efforts undertaken to improve knowledge about electoral risk factors, and develop situational awareness needed to initiate timely and well informed prevention and mitigation actions. 

Actions designed to prevent and mitigate electoral risks need to be context specific and well informed. At a very basic level, these will include timely assessment of the legal framework to ensure that non-democratic practices are discouraged and  sanctioned. With regards to the campaign phase, specific legislation may include: political campaigning regulations, media regulations, and the introduction of the political party code of conduct. 

ERMToolIn conflict prone societies where legal provisions alone are not sufficient, a multi-layered framework for action should be considered. It relies on enhanced collaboration between electoral management and justice bodies with civil society organizations and security sector agencies. For example, civil society organizations often engage in monitoring and reporting on the practices that undermine democratic transition processes. Accordingly, their capacity to support the conduct of credible electoral processes is well documented. During the campaign phase, civil society organizations can monitor campaign activities to report on inflammatory language or incidence of hate speech as well as violence. Furthermore, in a context where security risks are high, a collaboration between security sector agencies and bodies mandated to conduct elections will be essential. Professional and conflict-sensitive security deployment during the campaign period may deter violence directed against candidates, participants of campaign events, journalists and other vulnerable groups or individuals. In practice, electoral risk management must stretch through all phases of the electoral cycle (for more, see International IDEA, The Guide on Action Points for the Prevention and Mitigation of Election-related Violence, 2013).

Any organization that manages dynamic processes and projects will benefit from institutionalized risk management procedures and tools. Electoral management bodies are not an exception. Although many already implement risk management in their daily routines, there is a need for development and broader use of election-specific risk management concepts and tools.  


*This article was originally published in the Just Governance Group's March Newsletter. The author, Sead Alihodzic is Senior Programme Officer at International Institute for Democract and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) where where he is in charge of the Elections and Conflict project. 

 
 

ACE Practitioners' Spotlight: Liberata Irambona

Liberata IrambonaThe ACE Practitioners’ Spotlight highlights an influential member of the ACE Practitioners’ Network through an in-depth Q&A session. The ACE Practitioners’ Spotlight highlights an influential member of the ACE Practitioners’ Network through an in-depth Q&A session. This issue is proud to feature Liberata Irambona, Director of the Electoral Operations Department at the National Electoral Commission of Rwanda (NEC).   

How did you become involved in election operations?

I have been involved in election operations since 1999 as volunteer just after the Genocide. The elections were conducted by the Ministry of Local Government. I was among the provincial team. Rwanda, like many other African Countries, is in the process of building and consolidating good governance and democracy through free, fair, transparent and regular elections. 

After the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Rwanda adopted an electoral system designated to help the Country consolidate Political harmony, Peace, National Unity and Reconciliation, in conformity with the Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda. Therefore the National Electoral Commission was born in 2000 as a Constitutional Institution with functional Independence. The Electoral Commission is mandated to prepare and manage all elections from the office of the President to the village Chief and I was recruited from August 2000 to 2006 as permanent staff in charge of electoral operations at region office. I have prepared and conducted different elections where in 2006 I was awarded as the best electoral activities coordinator.

I would like to share my experience of working not only at an EMB but also as a candidate, because in the 2006 by-elections I decided to contest parliament’s 24 seats reserved for women, and I won in Eastern Province. It was not easy, but I know that if you have commitment, you succeed. 

Now I am a director of electoral operations department at NEC (National Electoral Commission of Rwanda).  

Do you have any specific areas of expertise as an electoral practitioner? 

Yes I have expertise in election planning and in civic education training.

What are some biggest challenges you have experienced working in elections in Rwanda so far? 

So far, I can say that I have not experienced the biggest challenges, but in 2003 (general elections)  it was not easy to conduct elections considering our site budget— it was really a challenge to plan all electoral operations on time with the money from donors. Some of our donors gave us their amount just after elections! Here I would like to thank all Rwandese, especially women, because they have decided to take their elections as their own business and a group of 65,000 volunteers were involved as assessors.   

Have you experienced any specific challenges as a woman working in political affairs/ elections?

I would say yes.  In my country, historically like other African countries, women could not go out in public with men. In places where there were men, women were not supposed to talk, and show their needs. Men were supposed to talk and think for them. With that history, it sometimes is the case that we (women) are afraid to talk in front of men, especially older men. 

The other challenge is working far from my family. In my culture women are supposed to prepare food and other things for the family, and being a woman working in political affairs/elections, I could not be at home and at work at the same time. Mixing family and political work for women is a challenge. Time for the family is limited by work.

You are also a member of the ACE Practitioners' Network. Can you tell us a bit about how you have used the network? (E.g. knowledge sharing, advice, etc.) 

As a member of the ACE Practitioner’s Network, I would like to thank all Members. Their knowledge, experience sharing and advice were helpful for my performance as a practitioner. As a member of the PN, I share my experiences and knowledge by responding to questions asked by other members and sometimes I advise them on certain topics. I also use the ACE Practitioners’ Network for my research, and get a lot of information from there on elections. And I think of all members as my new family. Through this network, all my questions find responses. 

* Liberata Irambona currently lives with her husband and 8 children (four of whom she adopted). She possesses master’s degrees in Gender & Development (Madison University) and Political & Administrative Sciences (Université Catholique de Lyon). Liberata will also shortly finish a PhD in Political & Administration Sciences also from Université Catholique de Lyon.


Practitioners' Network Updates

Over the last three months 625 members logged on to the Practitioners' Network and shared their experiences, knowledge and expertise through 150 contributions to questions asked by their peers. Recent questions were about Successful Anti-corruption Tools for Electoral Processes, Regulations for Political Party Names, and Examples of Diversity Inclusion in Electoral Processes

Consolidated replies are published summaries of the discussions on the Practitioners' Network. Among the consolidated replies published during the past quarter were the following:

Successful Anti-Corruption Tools for Electoral Processes

I’m reaching out to you to ask if you know of any good anti-corruption tools – especially appropriate for, but not restricted to, youth (15–35). I’m helping Transparency International develop an “‘Anti-Corruption Toolbox for Youth”’ and for this I need examples of ‘tools’ (strategies/approaches) used, as well as ideas for new tools. 

If you know of any tools or projects that have proved popular and/or successful, or have any ideas or recommendations, please let me know. I need examples from around the world, but especially from the Asia Pacific region. 

These tools may relate to corruption in the electoral process (I know that many of you work in this field), or relate to corruption more broadly. Examples that young individuals (rather than governments) can use or adapt, and creative examples (campaigns using arts, sport, ICTs etc) are especially needed. 

Any ideas, tips or contacts are much appreciated! 

Read replies ...

Regulations for Political Party Names

Recently published regulations on presidential elections in the Maldives state that the list of those who voted in an election will only be available through a court order. 

1. What are the international best practices on publishing a list of the people who voted in an election?

2. How is this regulated in other countries? 

Read replies ...

Examples of Diversity Inclusion in Electoral Processes

I am looking for positive examples of including diversity in the broad areas of the electoral cycle (voter registration, voter education and legal framework, etc.). Diversity here includes but is not limited to language, caste, gender, sexual orientation, religion, etc.

I would therefore like to ask:

What positive examples or country case studies are there of considering diversity in the broad areas of the electoral cycle, including electoral voter registration, voter education and legal frameworks?

What were the important considerations made or main challenges encountered in these examples?

Read replies ...

Ongoing Discussions Inside the PN

Practitioners' Network (PN) members continued to critically engage on aspects of the electoral process, from the role of NGOs to international observation regulations. 

Poll: Dual Roles for Same NGO

One member of the PN asked whether local NGOs should carry out both voter education activities and domestic election observation. This question was subsequently fielded as a poll to better understand members' views. When asked whether an NGO should be allowed to carry out voter education AND electoral observation,  30 percent selected 'It depends – Only with an adequate legal framework, 36 percent  chose 'No – There is a serious conflict of interest that cannot be mitigated,' and 34 percent  selected 'Yes – There is no conflict of interest and the two roles can even be mutually beneficiary.'

The poll is still open, tell us what you think ... 

 

Electoral Observation Regulations

Another member of the PN working with the Union Election Commission (UEC) of Myanmar sought input from members on the following aspects of electoral observation throughout the electoral cycle:

Examples of regulations that govern various aspects of electoral observation including accreditation, access to observe the various aspects of electoral cycle, specific regulations on observing polling, counting, tabulation, results and appeals processes.  

In particular on accreditation, we are looking for information about centralized or decentralized accreditation, whether organizations are accredited, or individual observers. The primary focus of our efforts will be domestic observation, but we are also interested in examining regulations governing international observation and political party agent observation.

We would also be interested in learning from the experiences of others in facilitating or assisting the drafting of regulations regarding observation with EMBs.

Read Replies ...

 

Recent Publications by ACE Partners and Members of the Practitioners' Network

Social Media : A Practical Guide for Election Management Bodies 

Social Media A Practical GuideElection Management Bodies (EMBs) can use social media to improve electoral participation, engage stakeholders, and build better trust and transparency throughout the electoral cycle. Published by International IDEA, this Guide aims to assist EMBs as they embark on using social media, or as they further leverage the tool in their communications strategies.  

 

 

Equal Access: How to Include Persons with Disabilities in Elections and Political Processes

Disabilities manual IFES NDIThis recent publication by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI), provides key electoral stakeholders (EMBs, civil society, and the donor community) with the knowledge and tools to better secure the participation of persons with disabilities in elections and political processes. Peer-reviewed by twelve experts from the disability community, election practitioners and academia, this manual is groundbreaking in its scope and strategies for a more inclusive electoral cycle.

Mexico: 2013 Constitutional Reform (2014)

IFE

Authored by Carlos Navarro of the Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE) this article explores constitutional reform in Mexico, a process formally coming into effect on February 10th, 2014, and approved by Congress in December 2013. In examining this process, this analysis ultimately suggests that redefining Mexico's electoral process hinges on the implementation of legislation in two key areas, electoral procedures and political parties.