The Educational Mandate

Is Voter Education Necessary?

Elections are contested by political parties and, in some countries, by candidates forwarded by public organizations and by groups of voters. They are administered by election authorities. Voters register and then vote.

Under what circumstances and with what right do educators involve themselves in this seemigly straight-foward process? Some might assume that it is a process undertaken by adults who know their own minds and have the sophistication necessary to survive in the sociopolitical context in which elections may be taking place.

Yet, a simple and obvious case may be made for disseminating information to the public about how elections will be conducted. Even in established democracies with a tradition of periodic elections, voters require information.

First time voters and those with special needs are likely to be among the priority groups to be educated. Changes in election technology, for example the introduction of computer touch screens, or in election practices such as voting by mail, will necessitate general voter education efforts. An increase in the number of candidates or political parties contesting an election, as well as the number of public initiatives voters are being asked to decide, is likely to complicate ballot design.

The recent confusion of the "butterfly ballot" used in Palm Springs, Florida, during the 2000 elections illustrates the need to conduct adequate voter education even in what may be considered the most ideal circumstances.

The need for voter education will be even greater in transitional and post-conflict settings undergoing radical systemic, legal, and procedural changes and where the franchise may be extended.

But what is the mandate for more extensive education, both in the midst of elections and as an on-going effort, about the value of elections? This is a more difficult question.

There are even those who suggest that voter education can be intrusive and open to abuse, and that it should be excluded from the electoral process altogether.

A Growing Commitment to Voter Education

The expanding mandate for voter education stems from a variety of sources. Emerging international principles today support the spread of democracy and the extension of universal suffrage to all people. Elections, of course, are an integral part of this movement. In this context, then, voter education ensures that citizens understand and are able to exercize their electoral rights.

In addition, legislative mandates establish clearly defined functions for electoral authorities. There is a growing belief that electoral authorities should provide not only information but also education to assist voters in exercising their civic responsibility to vote.

Mandates Define Voter Education Activities

Establishing a mandate enables an organization to focus on objectives and activities appropriate to the particular society and electoral process in which it is operating.

In some cases, the mandate for educating voters may be established through legislation or executive order. Usually, legislative mandates are conferred upon election authorities or entities receiving public funds for the conduct of voter education. The mandate of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation to engage in broad-based voter education and training activities, for example, was provided for by an executive order which tied such activities to the successful implementation and fulfillment of voting rights legislation enacted in 1994.

With respect to civil society organizations, the mandate to conduct voter education activities is typically established through its incorporation documents, by-laws, and mission statement. The mission statement, in particular, articulates the need that the organization has been created to address, identifies the constituency it serves, and briefly explains how the organization goes about doing so.

A public institution or civil society organization may have a narrow or broad mandate. That is to say that they may be limited to the conduct of voter education activities. Or, they may conduct voter education activities as part of a broader mandate in civic education or public advocacy.

Once a mandate is created, either as a result of legislation, an executive order, or a the adoption of a mission statement, it will be necessary to build public awareness of and support for, as well as establish the legitimacy of, a voter education programme. Taking such steps increases the prospects for a successful voter education effort.

The occurrence of an election will certainly raise a host of issues about which people may want more information or education. Very often, educators use elections as a platform to broaden people's understanding of social, economic and political issues in general. They may even use this opportunity to try to improve people's organizational skills. These are all important aspects of education for a functioning democracy.

At the same time, however, educators need to be focused. They need to operate in a clearly defined environment. The development of both institutional/ organizational mandates and programme-specific parameters are central to defining this focus.

International Principles of the Educational Mandate

The civic education mandate, while it may come from legislation or a public mission statement, is also likely to stem from or be influenced by comparative international practice and the instruments and principles established by countries in international forums and treaties.

A full discussion of these principles and their relationship to elections is contained in a publication of the United Nations Centre for Human Rights. [1] In its survey of nineteen universal and regional instruments, the publication points out that "countries and peoples across the globe have recognized that free and fair elections are a crucial point on the continuum of democratization and an imperative means of giving voice to the will of the people. [2]

In order to achieve this, the publication draws attention to what it considers common elements of electoral law and procedure that ensure elections are conducted freely and fairly and under the rule of law. In relation to public information and voter education the document reads:

124. Funding and administration should be provided for objective, non-partisan voter education and information campaigns. Such education is especially critical for populations with little or no experience with democratic elections. The public should be well informed as to where, when and how to vote, as well as why voting is important. They must be confident in the integrity of the process and their right to participate in it.

125. Literature should be widely available and should be published in the various national languages to help ensure the meaningful participation of all eligible voters. Multimedia methods should be employed to provide effective civic education to people with various levels of literacy. Voter education campaigns should extend throughout the territory of the country, including to rural and outlying areas. [3]

The Commonwealth Secretariat has been involved in a number of election support programmes throughout the Commonwealth. Between 1993 and 1997 it organised a range of Commonwealth-wide gatherings of Chief Electoral Officers during which they held discussions on best practices. Based on these discussions and draft materials, they produced a document on electoral practice titled Good Commonwealth Electoral Practice [4]. Beyond the importance of the document, the discussions themselves were an important basis for information and experience sharing.

The principles outlined in the document apply not only to local and national elections, but are also intended to assist people in strengthening of their own electoral systems. As such, they are presented as tools rather than an overall prescription. Consider the paragraphs dealing with public education:

42. Appropriate and effective, non-partisan public education programmes, though not always the responsibility of an electoral body, are an essential feature both in countries where a voting "culture" is being developed as well as in established democracies. As such, they should be adequately funded and professionally organised [and] target particular groups (e.g. women, minority groups, the disadvantaged, and school children). Where practicable, national election practices can be built in to school election procedures and election education centres can be established in appropriate locations.

43. The encouragement, in particular, of participation by women in all facets of the democratic process warrants special attention.

44. The cost of public education programmes should be minimised by public service broadcasting facilities being made available at little or no charge. [5]

The Commonwealth document goes further than the United Nations statement in identifying the importance of voter education in "established democracies". Between 1994 and 1997 increasing sensitivity about democratic performance and participation - and especially voter turn out and enthusiasm - between established and emerging democracies made it clear that democracy cannot be taken for granted under any circumstances.

As a result, there is a general, international consensus on the importance of voter education and the necessity for establishing professional, cost-effective programmes in support of elections. This also translates into support for the broader democratization agenda.

International observer groups inevitably comment on the adequacy of voter education programmes and preparation of voters. These statements extend our understanding of what is required in order to ensure not only free and fair elections but the necessary foundation for democratic decision making and governance in complex settings.

Notes:

[1] Centre for Human Rights, Human Rights and Elections - A Handbook on the Legal, Technical and Human Rights Aspects of Elections, Professional Training Series No. 2 (New York and Geneva: United Nations, 1994), 1.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid., 17.

[4] Commonwealth Secretariat, Good Commonwealth Electoral Practice, A working document, (London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1997),

[5] Ibid., par., 42 - 44.

Legislative Framework for Voter Education

National Legislation Impacts Roles of Election Authorities

Elections take place within a legislative context which can either support or inhibit the goals of voter education. Election authorities will want to consider, therefore, not only their own legislative jurisdiction but also legal provisions which will impact their ability to inform and educate voters and achieve popular participation in electoral processes. In this regard, it is important to understand that the election authority normally will have to rely on the elected government (or in the case of transitional societies, the statutory authority) to prepare and pass appropriate legislation.

Unlike most other legal guidelines, however, legislation relating to electoral systems; the conduct of elections; the freedoms of speech, information, and association; campaign finance; and political activity, can be manipulated to benefit an incumbent party or regime. Not only can this have implications for the general management of elections, it can also impact the effectiveness of efforts to inform and motivate voters.

At the earliest possible opportunity, therefore, election authorities will want to develop mechanisms for reducing the impact of particular political circumstances on all legislation which has electoral consequences. Such mechanisms may include the placement of certain electoral procedures within the constitution, requiring special majorities, particular committee approval, or public noticiation and participation procedures prior to amendment.

Good Election Legislation Facilitates Voter Education

Beyond this, there are other important considerations to be addressed with respect to election legislation.

1) Voter information and education tasks will be easier if legislation and regulations reduce complexity and encourage general participation.

In particular, legal definitions of, and practices relating to, spoiled and invalid ballots can be either restrictive, and as such punitive, or open. Provisions relating to ballot design can either be complicated, and therefore confusing, or straight-forward. The process of voting can be facilitated, both psychologically and physically, by the number, accessibility, and location of polling stations; the quality and training of officials; hours of voting; the provision of special voting services; and the ease of registration.

While there is a general presumption that those drafting electoral legislation favour the widest possible access to the polls, history suggests that this has not always been the case. Legislation should be inherently democratic. If it is not, it may be necessary for public advocacy groups to engage in voter information, education, and mobilization in order to change the system.

Consistency, both within and between legislation, will also be extremely important. Are all of the laws and provisions governing elections, for example those pertaining to voting rights, local elections, national elections, referenda, campaign finance, public information and campaign activity, and administrative and criminal penalties consistent? It is not uncommon for national and local election laws to contain inconsistent or conflicting provisions. This will present real problems if national and local elections are held concurrently. If there are conflicting deadlines for voter registration, or differing methods for marking ballots, or varying procedures for filing a complaint, confusion is likely to rule the day and the task of educating voters will be considerably more complicated. To avoid these types of problems, some countries have adoped universal electoral codes.

2) Education is not necessarily a neutral activity.

Fears may arise that giving carte blanche to all sorts of groups in society to go into the field and provide education will lead to anti-government propaganda, biased promotion of particular parties, and incorrect information. Legislation, therefore, can be restrictive in determining who can undertake voter information and education. At present, however, most electoral legislation gives very limited attention to the matter of voter education. While this may mean that the election authority has discretion in engaging non-statutory bodies, organizations, or individuals, newly appointed authorities often find it difficult to exercize this discretion in societies where the demand for information and education is great but where resources are limited and awareness, acceptance and trust of alternative educators is nascent.

There are ways resources can be maximized if the legislation either has defined voter education expansively or at least has given the election authority the power to draw in other national or international organizations and individuals.

National Legislation and Local Ordinances Impact Voter Education Initiatives

Elections normally take place within an existing legislative framework. In transitional societies, this framework may be very complex, with a variety of temporary arrangements and laws from a previous dispensation, or even with transitional provisions or enabling legislation, as can be found in countries formerly comprising the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, that temporarily amend or place a moratorium on previous laws (or provisions of those laws). In such circumstances, presidential decrees affecting the electoral process also are not unheard of.

Within the legislative framework, there may be particular laws or provisions that will impact voter education initiatives. These should be identified and their implications for programme implementation assessed.

Constitutional Imperatives

Typically, the constitution will define qualfications and rights of citizenship, eligibility to vote and stand for election, and general electoral arrangements. It will define the forms of government, and therefore the outcome of voting, and establish the manner in which the public will be represented and the likely efficacy of that representation. The constitution is also likely to deal with general security measures, the service responsibilities of different state agencies and offices toward one another and toward the public, and questions of equality and equity.

Because elections are so fundamentally linked with democratic succession and governance, much of the business of elections is likely to be constitutionally protected. Educators must come to terms with the constitution, the relevant constitutional provisions of their country or state, and the manner in which they govern the content and conduct of their voter education programme.

Where a constitution is in place, there may be a variety of established laws relating to the conduct of the electoral authority, its jurisdiction and powers, and its fiscal reach and responsibilities (see Election legislation).

Other Legislation at the National Level

Beyond election specific legislation, a variety of other laws at the national level within a country may affect voter education programmes. These may range from the mundane to the convoluted and can lead to frustration. An example of the mundane may be ensuring that publications are registered, identified, and made available to copyright libraries or public archives. More convoluted legislation may govern whether educators need the permission of the occupant or the owner of a privately owned property, such as a farm, to conduct voter education activities. And frustration may occur if educators are required to have a security clearance in order to conduct education at a military base.

This section merely sensitises educators to the need to monitor legislation which will have an impact on their voter education programme. In situations where there is the likelihood of conflict, judgements will have to be made about how precisely the programme meets all legal requirements even if these have been established to frustrate the free flow of information or the education of citizens. In situations where this type of conflict is less likely, judgements will have to be made about the costs of compliance with specific legislation and therefore the ability to take on a particular type of programme.

There are some obvious areas of legislation that educators will have to consider, including:

• media and publishing
• security
• fundraising and charities
• freedom of information
• education and training

Legislation may impact on the manner in which material is published, for example, the coverage given by the media to the electoral process, the content and size of advertisements, and the ability to obtain free air time. Legislation may have encouraged or discouraged media diversity. Consequently this may affect the number of media outlets available, their relative market-share, their target audience, and the extent to which they are a trusted source of information.

Electoral commissions and parties may also have to consider provisions regulating access to free air time. There is also likely to a regulation regarding disclosure, in particular, the requirement that the source and authority of any election-related messages or products, including voter education materials, be identified. There may all be a requirement that all printed materials be reviewed by government authorities prior to their publication.

For more information on these types of issues, see the Media and Elections Topic Area, in particular Legal Principles, Legal Framework for Media, Law or Regulations on Media during Elections, and Voter Information

In some countries, security legislation may have an impact on public gatherings, their organization, timing, and promotion. Outdoor activities may be restricted by curfews. Security legislation could range from the most restrictive (in either a part or all of a country) to that which provides constructive support for the elections. In such cases, education planners will have to understand the roles that police and army units could play in such areas as crowd control, logistical support, and access to their own staff for voter education.

Financing educational programmes requires support from the state, foundations, or other philanthropic, solidarity, or individual sources. Many countries have legislation regarding fund-raising, financial reporting, registration of financial officers or fundraising staff, and the manner in which these funds either are taxed or become exempt from taxation.

Education programmers operating in countries with freedom of information legislation will themselves have to comply with the provisions of that legislation. Where freedom of information legislation does exist, it will also enable them to promote the transparency of government, normally a fundamental component of effective public information and education programmes. Where no legislation regarding freedom of information exists, or where it is restricted, such activities are likely to become more difficult but not impossible.

Because voter and civic education are primarily informal educational activities - unless a curriculum has been applied in the formal schooling system - educators may not have to contend with general educational legislation. But they may have to comply with legislation regarding recruitment and employment of educators and with any national training standards. In addition they may want to make use of any national training qualification guidelines.

Local Laws and Ordinances

Within a country, there are also likely to be a set of local laws and/or ordinances that will affect voter education activities whether conducted by indigenous groups or international organizations. Very often, local officials will adopt ordinances governing such activities as public rallies (special permission, in the form of a permit, for example, may be required) and regulating where campaign and election materials, such as posters, may be hung and who is responsible for their removal. Ordinances addressing noise levels and public disturbances may also come into play. The failure of those conducting voter education to familiarize themselves and comply with such local ordinances may lead to fines and other penalties at the local level.

This review of legislation is by no means comprehensive and does not take into account the basic common law of countries and their standard labour, commercial, and civil rights legislation. Neither voter nor civic education programmes fall outside of national legislation merely because they are concerned with elections or broader political, social, or economic issues. Educators will have to understand and be able to comply with the country's legislation where it applies. This can make the roles of international organizations assisting in the provision of voter education quite difficult. For this reason, the development of partnerships with indigenous organizations or under the aegis of the election authority itself, is often essential.

Election legislation

Election legislation may exist as a set of separate laws or as a single electoral code. Legislation in this area is likely to address the electoral system, voting rights, the establishment and functioning of the election authority, voter registration, election preparations, and campaign financing. While voter educators may not participate in the drafting of this legislation, it will have a significant impact on the voter education undertaking.

Electoral Systems

Different electoral systems place different demands on voters and election authorities. The choice of a system normally reflects the social circumstances within which voters find themselves. If legislation cannot be easily amended, there may be times when social change precedes changes to election law. This can result in a misalignment between voters and the system. Recently a number of countries have been engaged in discussions about potential reforms of their electoral systems. The nature and timing of changes to the electoral system will have a major impact on voter education. Where a system has been in place for some time, there may be some assumtion that this is the only, and most appropriate system, and therefore there will be some resistence to change.

Generally, however, voter educators will want to lobby for systems that limit complexity both at the voting level and in determining results. For it is the facility to understand the relationship between their vote and the election outcome that provides a major motivation for voters to participate.

Election Legislation and Voter Education

A legislative mandate for voter education is often a prerequisite to mobilize the necessary budget and staff to support a programme. Depending upon the degree of decentralization of election administration, a legislative mandate may stem from either national or state laws. At the same time, there may be countries where legislation specifically excludes broadly defined voter education initiatives on the part of the election authorities: Spain is one example. In such cases, election authorities have to provide voter information within very restricted guidelines.

On the other hand, increased understanding of the value of education has resulted in more detailed voter education clauses in electoral legislation. In a number of cases, these have been linked to public information and campaign legislation. Legislation often needs to be interpreted carefully, however, and the independence of the electoral authorities, their security of tenure, and control of their budgets all have an impact on their ability to establish innovative programmes of public information and voter education.

Legislative clauses may range from the simple to the more complex. In some cases, the functions delegated to the electoral authority may not be clear in mandating voter education. The apparent coincidence of elections with democracy, for instance, may result in the electoral authorities either receiving a clear mandate to conduct voter education or interpreting it simply from their roles and functions.

In Ethiopia, the election of a constituent assembly required the establishment of an electoral board. In addition to its other "powers and duties", it was required "to widely provide to the public civic education relating to elections." [1]

A similar brief provision exists in the Australian Commonwealth Electoral Act of 1918. The functions of the Electoral Commission are "to promote public awareness of electoral and Parliamentary matters by means of the conduct of education and information programs and by other means." [2] Brevity, however, has not limited creativity. In Australia, the compulsory nature of voting has led voter educators to a broad interpretation of their mandate. In fulfilling its responsibility to ensure that all voters are able to cast their ballot and understand its importance, the state places the initiative to vote with the voter. The result has been an extensive voter education programme.

In Canada, the educational mandate has been extended in an interesting way to ensure that education is provided on an inclusive basis. "The Chief Electoral Officer may implement public education and information programs to make the electoral process better known to the public, particularly those persons and groups most likely to experience difficulties in exercising their democratic rights." [3] This is a good example of how changes in the social context have been followed by legislative directives.

Unfortunately, this is not always the case. In two transitional situations, provisional authorities have been given equally brief directives. In the referendum over the creation of Eritrea, the proclamation reads that the election authority has as one of its duties "publicizing the referendum and informing the voters." [4] And in Bosnia and Herzogovina, the provision reads in part, "In order to inform the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina about the electoral process and citizen's rights as voters, the Provisional Election Commission has decided that all radio and television stations throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina and in both Entities shall broadcast informational voter education material produced by the Provisional Election Commission." [5]

This provides an illustration of the close relationship between voter education and the general role of the media in elections. And juxtaposed as it is with articles relating to party use of the media, it also underscores the close relationship between voter education and political propaganda.

The Mocambican Electoral Law includes a chapter entitled "Election Propaganda and Civic Education". Within that chapter of eleven articles, only one, Article 102 (Civic Education), relates to actual concerns for voter education. But by linking these sections, it appears that voters are going to become not only better informed but more committed to electoral participation if they are exposed both to a well-publicized campaign and to the necessary voter information.

The Mocambican law provides some additional insight into voter information and education messages and methods:

1. Through the media, the National Electoral Commission shall promote the education of citizens on the objectives of the elections, the electoral process, and the manner in which each voter casts his/her vote.

1. The communiques, semiofficial statements, and other acts of the National Electoral Commission shall be published by the public sector media free of charge and as a matter of priority.[6]

Beyond standard legislation on elections, stand-alone legislation on voting rights, such as exists in the United States and Russia, may require that election authorities at all levels provide information and education to the electorate at large or to certain target groups and make the voting process more accessible, for example to voters with disabilities or to first time voters.

In some cases, often in transitional settings, election legislation is silent on the issue of informing voters. In these instances, election authorities need to decide whether or not they have the authority to conduct voter education as a part of their broader election preparations. This decision can be affected by the socio-political context in which elections are being held, legal traditions (for example how narrowly legal provisions are interpreted), and sensitivities about mandate. Does the public expect the electoral authority to provide fundamental information on the elections? Is there money to do so? Would political participants consider this to be beyond the mandate of the election authority and would this perception adversely affect the legitimacy of the institution or the elections? Such concerns, in the absense of a legal mandate, have led the Repulic Election Commission of Montenegro, for example, not to engage in voter education activities.

Also in countries undergoing a transition, it is not uncommon to find situations in which an election authority has a legal mandate to inform voters, but has not been provided with the necessary budgetary allocation to fulfill such obligations. This is known as an unfunded mandate. In resource scarce environments, simply pulling off an election on time will consume all available funds. Very often, voter education becomes a relatively low priority or is considered a luxury. The country of Georgia provides one example in which election budgets have been routinely underfunded, with transfers of government funds taking place relatively late in the election process. Under such circumstances, the international community often becomes involved, assuming the costs of voter education efforts.

Election Legislation and the Promotion of Democracy

Because of the importance of elections in maintaining democracy and its institutions, many electoral authorities have used the powers given to them for informing the public and educating voters to expand their work into schools and other educational institutions. In some cases this type of work may be construed less as civic education in its totality but more as education for or about elections. Russia and Ukraine provide two examples in which the election authority and educators have joined forces to introduce classroom-based courses on elections.

There are times, however, when the electoral code seems to go beyond this type of electoral education and compels electoral authorities to intervene at a deeper level. In Mexico, the code requires the Federal Electoral Institute to "assist in the promotion and diffusion of the political culture" and to "contribute to the development of the democratic life." [7] This has resulted in a very extensive educational programme that is not only on-going but extends beyond the scope of a particular election.

In South Africa, the act establishing the electoral commission lists a range of functions to "promote conditions conducive to free and fair elections" and to promote "knowledge of sound and democratic electoral processes". [8] The objectives of the commission are "to strengthen constitutional democracy".[9] This may have educational implications as yet unforeseen by the commission.

The leeway allowed by such provisions, however, places significant responsibility on electoral authorities. On the other hand, this may not be the case in societies where there are a many competing institutions, both private and public, or where the authority has an onerous administrative mission. It will also not be feasible in societies where there exists no permanent election authority. Also the size of an election or constraints caused by the cost of elections may make it difficult for the authorities to engage in anything more than simple voter information. Indeed, operating a general educational programme at the expense of an effective voter information programme for each election may be counter productive.

Election regulations

Election legislation may, or may not, empower election authorities, or other entities of the state, to develop regulations govering the election process. Regulations serve to explain or clarify provisions of election law and instruct or guide election administrators and participants in the electoral process. Regulations can cover such issues as campaign or election related deadlines, nomination or campaign finance reporting procedures, allocation of free airtime, polling place arrangements, the processing of voters on election day, criteria for determining whether or not a ballot is invalid, and counting procedures. At times, these regulations may resemble forests in which voters and educators can become lost or, in some cases, even entangled by legislative underbrush.

Timing

Regulations often follow legislation. Yet these regulations may contain details that educators need to refine significant parts of their programmes. If educators plan to familiarize voters about what to expect on election day, for example, then they will need detailed knowledge of polling place procedures. These details may be addressed through regulation rather then through law. If regulations are adopted relatively late in the election campaign, or are subject to continuous revision, the amount of time available for educators to formulate complete programmes becomes limited. In many transitional settings, where the election law itself may be in a state of flux proximate to, or even in the midst of, an election campaign, the odds that regulations can be adopted in time to provide necessary clarification may be low.

The country of Georgia during the 2000 election campaign provides a case in point. In the final weeks of the election campaign, the Parliament was still debating substantive changes to a number of laws governing elections. As a result, it was ultimately unclear which version of the relevant laws would apply. Under such circumstances, it was virtually impossible to issue regulations for the purpose of clarification. On what would such regulations be based? Among the details to be decided were: what forms of voter identification would be accepted on election day? and what was the proper method for marking a ballot? These are the types of details that must be addressed by educators in a timely way.

Even if an election law is firmly in place, such factors as a short election campaign, limited resources to devote to an election, and the absence of a permanent election authority can combine to result in a situation where the election calendar overtakes the issuance of necessary regulations. Under these types of circumstances, there is a very real jeorpardy for educators. If regulations are adopted or changed after a voter education programme has been launched, the result can be confusion on election day - the very opposite of what was intended by the programme.

Detail

Often, regulations are not so much designed for voters as they are for those administering and contesting the election. Yet certain details may well impact voter participation in the process. As a result of inadequate legal provisions or limited training of poll workers, regulations may be quite detailed. Sometimes, detailed regulations can encumber educators who may have difficulty addressing these in their programmes. A high level of detail can be difficult to accomodate in straightforward and brief messages designed for television, radio or posters. Decisions will need to be made about which media and formats can best accomodate more detailed information. There will also be concerns about loss or clarity or theme in the face of too much technical information. For some voters who are unfamiliar with or unsure of the voting process, however, there may be a desire for more rather than less information. Identification and targetting of these groups of voters will help in directing more detailed information to those who need it.

Authority

While the adoption of 11th hour or detailed regulations may make the job of educators more difficult, the absence of regulations can also be problematic. In some transitional settings, the election authority or other responsible state bodies may not be conferred with the legal authority to adopt regulations. This situation can also be troublesome. If there are gaps in legislation or confusing, or even contradictory, legal provisions, the election authority may be powerless to bring clarity or uniformity to the election process. Ultimately, both administrators and educators may have some of the same questions as voters about how the process is supposed to work. If these questions cannot be answered in a timely fashion, the voter education programme will be incomplete and voter confusion is likely to persist.

The Role of the Educator

Educators will want to scrutinize all existing regulations carefully and make sure that they receive the regulations in both draft and final forms (without mistaking one for the other). In draft, educators may want to comment on how the regulations may affect their educational task. With the final version, educators will have to use educational programmes to convey the details of the regulations correctly, and, if necessary, amend educational materials and presentations to ensure ongoing accuracy. If changes warrant, they may even consider ways to re-educate those who have already gone through their initial programme. Perhaps most important, educators may urge the publication of full and final regulations as early as possible and the authorities to stick to them despite any temptations to the contrary.

Legislative vacuums

In some situations, voter education may be launched in a legislative vacuum. Legislative vacuum's can affect voter education in two ways. First of all, the election law may be silent on the role of election authorities and other entities in conducting voter education activities. This may be the result of an oversight, or an intentional effort to limit the franchise or keep the electorate in a state of ignorance. If the electoral system is being reformed, there is also the possibility that legislation fails to acknowledge the voter education needs that are emerging.

The absence of election law provisions that adequately provide for voter education will likely exacerbate general uncertainty about the electoral process. Educators within election authorities often face inertia if there is no legal mandate for voter education. And there may be political or financial ramifications if they opt to proceed with voter education in the absence of a legal mandate. Other organizations may be unwilling to commit resources for voter education programmes that may be rendered obsolete by unforseen discrepancies between the projections of educators and the intentions of legislators.

Secondly, there may be gaps in legislation with respect to fundamental aspects of the election process that need to be communicated to voters. Does the law adequately and clearly address, for example, such issues as: voter registration procedures; necessary forms of identification on election day; the process and deadlines for filing complaints; opportunities to vote early, via mobile ballot box, or by absentee ballot; the proper method for marking the ballot; and polling place procedures on election day? If not, it will be very difficult for educators to address voters' questions about the process.

While legislative vacuums are not desirable, they do occur. Waiting for them to be filled may be impossible. Education planning takes time and organization. And the less time that is allowed for this, the higher the costs may be, not to mention the risks of wasting resources and adding to public confusion.

Overcoming Legislative Vacuums

In the event that there is no legislation, or at least legal provisions, pertaining to voter education, measures can be taken to ensure programmes do not dissolve into platitudes, unhelpful generalities, or inaccurate and misleading statements.

First, educators should be clear in their own understanding of their mission, declare it often, and maintain allegiance to it.

It may also be useful to consider the context in which legislation was adopted or amended. Under what kind of time constraints and political pressures was the legislature operating? What was the rationale behind various provisions as well as options that ultimately were not adopted? Will there be opportunities for further reforms in the future? What obstacles might prevent reform? Undertaking such an assessment can help educators better understand what may be possible at a given point in time and to better plan for the future.

While educators may not be able to clarify every single issue in a given election, it will still be possible to communicate important principles and information. It may not be possible, for example, to say whether voters will have to produce identity documents, voting cards, or have their fingers marked with indelible ink. But it is possible to communicate why there should be no duplication of votes and the various ways to prevent this.

Empower and encourage participants early in the programme to seek information for themselves. Contact lists, basic source documents, and networks are all useful resources for this. The uninitiated may also be taught to read and understand basic legislation in order to track it when it becomes available or throughout an amendment process.

There is also an education and advocacy role that can be played by educators, whether in election authorities or in civil society organizations, relative to public policy makers and legislators. Sometimes it is useful to explain or reinforce how both gaps in legislation and an ill-informed or confused electorate can impact on the effeciency, uniformity and legitimacy of the electoral process. Illustrate how past problems might have been avoided through better legislation combined with adequate voter education.

The Importance of Transparency

The ability of educators, among others, to follow the adoption of new legislation, track the amendment of existing legislation, or to have input to the electoral reform process will depend, in large measure, on their ability to access information and decision-makers. If parliamentary hearings and debates on electoral reform are not open to the public, if there is no public notification and discussion period, if drafts or even final versions of the law are not made widely available, it will be difficult to conduct voter education in an informed and timely manner. In some transitional and post-conflict settings, where there are 11th hour changes to election laws, where there are limited resources and networks for printing and distribution, and where there is neither a legal foundation or a political tradition of disclosure, it is not uncommon to find both administrators and educators working without the latest version of the law. Promoting transparency needs to be an integral part of the electoral reform process as countries move toward more democratic systems of governance.

Notes:

[1] Transitional Government of Ethiopia, Negarit Gazeta of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia, official translation, No. 56, 23rd August 1993 - Proclamation No. 64/1993, Electoral Law of Ethiopia, 5.1(d).

[2] Government of Australia, Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, Reprint No. 7, Section 7 (1)(c).

[3] Government of Canada, Canada Elections Act, Referendum Legislation, Indexed Copy, Part II, Sec. 8 (2).

[4] Provisional Government of Eritrea, Proclamation No. 22/1992, Chapter 1, 5.(1)(d)

[5] OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Provisional Election Commission, Rules and Regulations, Article 116.

[6] Government of Mocambique, Electoral Law of Mocambique, English translation, Part IV, Chapter II, Article 102, (1) and (2).

[7] Federal Electoral Institute, Federal Code of Electoral Institutions and Procedures, Third Book, Article 69, 1 (g) and 1 (a), respectively.

[8] Republic of South Africa. No. 51 of 1996: Electoral Commission Act, 1996, President's Office, No. 1602. 4 October 1996, Chapter 2, 5. (1) (c) and (d). See http://www.polity.org.za/govdocs/legislation/1996/act96-051.html

[9] Ibid., Chapter 2, 4. See http://www.polity.org.za/govdocs/legislation/1996/act96-051.html

Constructing a Voter Education Mandate

The mandate to conduct voter education may come from a variety of sources, for example through legislation or a mission statement. Beyond this mandate, however, those responsible for voter education will want to negotiate the aims and parameters of a particular voter educaton programme with participants in the process, including the election authority, the election contestants and civil society. Each of these has a role to pay within the electoral process and, as such, will have an interest in the voter education effots.

This section discusses each of these stakeholders, reviews their roles in ensuring that an essentially competitive activity - bidding for power conferred by citizens - is also a collaborative exercize, and then suggests ways in which the aims and parameters of a voter education programme can be articulated in a participatory way.

Stakeholders in Voter Education Mandate

For an organization to be successful in fulfilling its voter education mandate and the aims of its programme, it must engage those who have a primary stake in the outcome of that programme. Stakeholders need to be informed about the programme, and their acceptance and support sought. It is likely that all participants in the electoral process will feel that they have a right to comment on, participate in, and assess the effectiveness of the programme. They may choose not to exercize this right. Even so, some people may choose to criticize or even undermine the programme.

Wise educators will go out of their way, therefore, to frame their mission and sense of purpose as well as establish the aims and parameters of the programme with all the primary stakeholders. This interaction can be planned, but often it will also involve unanticipated activities (see Mechanisms For Partnerships). At times, it may even ignite a measure of public controversy. This is not unwelcome, provided it does not become counterproductive or diminish the credibility or self-esteem of the educators.

Three Constituencies

There are always three stakeholder constituencies involved in an election:

Election authority. In many cases, election legislation will establish a national election commission or designate a government agency responsible for administering elections. Depending upon the organizational structure of this body, there may be specific departments responsible for such areas as voter education, public relations, training, regulatory drafting, election preparations, and so on. There may be other statutory bodies as well, such as the legislative institutions themselves, security organizations, or local governments, that have some responsibility to support election preparations.

The contestants. The primary contestants in an election are the candidates who are running independently or being put forward by registered political parties, public organizations or groups of voters. Within their own campaign organizations and often with the help of political party structures, the contestants may have resources dedicated to such activities as voter information and get-out-the-vote (GOTV) activities.

The electorate. The third group of stakeholders is comprised of all those who vote. The electorate can be considered at large; segmented into groups, such as women voters, young and first time voters, or military voters; and in terms of more formal organizations and associations described in shorthand as civil society. The latter, a large and amorphous grouping, has variously, and in some cases erroneously, been described as the independent, non-governmental, or voluntary sector. Civil society plays an important role in voter education because of its ability to mobilise in favour of public interest activities, its capacity to reach out to a wide range of different audiences, and its potential resources.

Elections are about both competition and collaboration. Voter educators exploit the collaborative behaviour of all three stakeholders to ensure their acceptance of and support for their programmes.

Election Authority and Other Statutory Bodies as Stakeholders in the Voter Education Mandate

Depending upon the circumstances under which an election is being held, the non-partisan voter education effort may be an official one, undertaken by the election authority, or one conducted independently by civil society organizations, or it may be some combination of the two. To ensure the consistency of the message, accuracy of fact, and reach of information, it will be important for all entities engaged in voter education to develop and maintain constructive relationships.

The Election Authority

The election authority may be structured in a variety of ways. It may be a permanent commission with full-time members and a professional staff. It may be a temporary commission established proximate to an election and comprized of part-time members and limited staff. Or it may be an administrative unit within a government agency, perhaps with seconded staff. In any case, the authority responsible for administering the election will have a vested interest in ensuring that accurate and timely voter information is distributed as widely as possible.

Depending upon the resources at its disposal, the election authority may be in a position to conduct its own voter education programme. Or it may be paritally or entirely dependent upon international assistance and/or civil society groups to undertake this task. A division of labour may also develop, with the election authority assuming responsibility for general voter education, for example, while international organizations and civil society groups target special groups, such as ethnic minorities or women voters. In this case, routine interaction, in the form of information-sharing and coordination, will be key. Whatever the arrangements, the election authority is likely to have a special interest in and ultimate control over the official voter education programme. It is, after all, one of the more public manifestations of the election authority. Election authorities will want to ensure that information is accurate and neutral. The quality of the voter education programme, both in terms of its substance and its conduct, will also affect the public's perception of the effectiveness and professionalism of the election authority.

In addition to a national office, the election authority may have regional or local commissions charged, as part of their broader responsibilities, with the dissemination of public information including voter education. Ensuring that there is a close relationship between those responsible for administering the election and those responsible for voter education at all levels is essential.

The Need for Good Information

Effective voter education programmes depend on good information. This information can be considered both in terms of the electoral process and the electorate.

First, those responsible for voter education need clear, correct, and timely information about the electoral process. If the legal or regulatory framework is in a state of flux as a programme is being developed, voter educators will want to maintain open lines of communication with those responsible for adopting legislation or drafting regulations so that information can be obtained as quickly as possible.

To ensure the efficacy of the voter education programme, information must also be obtained about the electorate and from voters, themselves. What are the characteristics of the electorate? Are there segments of the electorate, such as young or rural voters for example, who appear to be particularly apathetic or ill-informed? What do voters find confusing or intimidating about the registration or voting processes? Are there imporant pieces of information unknown to them? Have there been changes to election procedures about which they are unaware? This is the type of information that must be communicated to ensure that the voter education programme actually meets the needs of the electorate. At various stages of the voter education programme, concepts, messages, and media products can be tested through focus groups or other forms of market research to determine the clarity and appropriatness of information. It is also possible to solicit input and feedback more informally from voters.

It seems somewhat obvious to suggest that contact with voters through the voter education programme usually results in good information about how voters perceive the election process and any problems surrounding it. Yet, in the midst of election preparations, administrators may tend to neglect this source of information. There is also a tendency for those who are intimately involved with the details of the election on a daily basis to be somewhat out of touch with what and how much ordinary voters actually know. A good voter education programme, therefore, will include a mechanism to obtain and process information from voters and make available to the election authorities for remediation.

Government Departments

Apart from the election authorities, there are other statutory bodies that may need to be consulted as the voter education programme is being refined. In some countries, departments of information or education may be responsible for on-going civic education programmes. Because civic education has a nation-building component, presidential offices, broadcasting or telecommunications bodies, and departments dealing with development, constitutional planning, or other institutional arrangements may also be involved. Within each of these entities, there may be specialists who have views on voter education initiatives, how these should be carried out, and the extent to which they complement or compete with their own civic education programmes.

Education departments may be concerned primarily with children, but often they are also involved with adult education and training. And they may be responsible for the licencing and qualifications frameworks for those who do educational work. Or they may have developed, and therefore be one of the stakeholders, in such a national qualifications and training network or council. These are important allies, as well as potential competitors, especially if their own budgets are strained.

Independent Statutory Bodies

Other independent statutory bodies may be responsible for overseeing particular aspects of a country's constitution. Human rights commissions, for example, constitutional courts, commissions responsible for gender and racial equity, and councils dealing with special groups all have had increasing advocacy and educational roles. As such, they have a role to play during elections and shoule be involved in negotiation and coordination of the voter education programme.

Organised Civil Society as Stakeholders in the Voter Education Mandate

Voters and citizens do not stand alone as individuals in a vacuum. Nor are political parties the only mediators of their interests in the political realm. This topic area will invoke the term civil society. While this section deals with the importance of civil society being involved in the processes of designing, implementing, and evaluating voter education programmes, it will also develop a working definition of civil society.

Civil Society: A Working Definition

This section will take a pluralistic and liberal approach to the concept of civil society. Specifically, it adopts the broad definition of civil society developed by Larry Diamond:

the realm of organised social life that is voluntary, self-generating, (largely) self-supporting, autonomous from the state, and bound by a legal order or set of shared rules. It is distinct from society in general in that it involves citizens acting collectively in a public sphere to express their interests, passions and ideas, exchange information, achieve mutual goals, make demands on the state, and hold state officials accountable...it excludes...political efforts to take control of the state.[1]

In other words, civil society consists of a range of associations and membership organizations that bring citizens together to act in political and policy realms. It cannot be segregated from the private sector, as it sometimes is, because it will inevitably include associations with commercial and business interests. Nor can civil society be discussed as an independent sector, as it can be remarkably partisan in its expression. Rather, it may be considered an amorphous conglomeration of interests and resources that can, at crucial moments in a country's history, be aligned in favour of certain social goals.

For the purposes set forth herein, the authors would caution against any use of the term that would suggest an ideological connotation. In many of its usages, the assumption is made that civil society is progressive, or has a coherent social policy in favour of the poor and disadvantaged, or has a particular view of social and economic relations. When used in this way, however, the term can become controversial, especially when used in an electoral context. In environments where political or electoral authorities are intent upon limiting political competition, the ideological use of the term civil society may well lead to the exclusion of civil society from campaigns and elections altogether.

Mobilizing Civil Society During an Election

An election is one of those seminal events where civil society - because of its resources, its voluntary nature, its diverse skills, and its ability to reach into all sectors of the society - should be mobilized and, to the extent that it is possible, aligned in favour of non-partisan educational activities.

In an election period, a variety of groups may be involved in voter education and election monitoring, as well as the more politically charged activities of endorsing one political party or candidate over the other and campaigning on their behalf.

These groups may not necessarily have political or electoral or even educational activities as their primary focus. As a result, they will have to negotiate any political activities with their membership. These types of groups include trade unions, community groups, business and professional associations, and possibly religious bodies.

There may be many other organizations and associations that also support a successful election but will remain independent from the candidates and from the election authority. Some of these groups may have a mandate specific to political and electoral processes, such as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) dedicated to voter and civic education, public advocacy, election monitoring and parallel vote counts, and human rights. One well known example of such a group in the USA is the League of Women Voters.

In addition, there will probably be a range of special interest groups that will conduct voter education and mobilization directed primarily at their own constituency. Such constituencies may include young and first time voters, women voters, ethnic or linguistic minorities, rural or remote communities, handicapped voters, and internally displaced persons or refugees. Some of these constituencies may be at risk in terms of their relative lack of information, apathy, sense of alienation from existing institutions and processes, or vulnerability to manipulation.

NGOs and Civil Society

The use of the term NGO sector in conjunction with civil society, and the tendency amongst some leaders of NGOs to assume the role of spokespersons for civil society, should not confuse educators and election authorities about the difference between them. However important NGOs may appear, they are, in fact, actually a subset or segment of the broader category designated as civil society.

That wider civil society includes all types of associations already mentioned. But educators may want to look very closely at the full range of groupings in their country. Some, such as sporting and social clubs or savings and cooperative groups may be less visable and less obvious options for conveying voter education. Yet members of these groups may represent all political persuasions and therefore be a valuable non-partisan resource to a voter education programme.

Organizing Civil Society

It should be relatively easy to contact a national election authority, or in the case of local elections a municipal election authority, to attend a meeting to share information about voter education activities and, where possible, to coordinate them. It should also be possible to make simililar invitations to political parties, coalitions, or voter initiative groups by making use of such resources as a list of registered parties (either registered with the ministry of justice or the national election authority, for example) or a list of parties with seats in the national assembly. It may even be possible to encourage the candidates to meet together to coordinate their collaborative efforts during an election.

But when it comes to civil society, it may be relatively more difficult to find a comprehensive listing of all informally or independently organised groups of citizens. Nor will all of them be interested in assisting. And, among the groups that may be interested, they may not be be aware of each other or have any prior experience working together. By its very nature, civil society cannot be coordinated through a body. Segments of civil society may be aligned and, by the use of nodal organizations, parts of it can be encouraged to organize themselves more efficiently for the purposes of a particular voter education event or programme.

A range of steps can be taken to inform and support civil society groups and even to coordinate their efforts in support of elections. These include routine meetings to inform groups (for example about on-going developments in the election campaign such as the adoption of new regulations or new election procedures or technoloties) and to facilitate cooperation and coordination; training sessions to help prepare those tasked with directly engaging voters; routine briefings from the election authorities; boiler-plate scripts and frequently asked questions (FAQs) distributed by fax and e-mail, and similar consensus building activities.

Stakeholders in Voter Education

Treating civil society as a stakeholder in developing the goals, objectives, and parameters of a voter education programme is essential. These organizations have the ability to provide quick and reliable information about the electorate. They may also have staff or volunteers with access to and experience working with local communities. They may also provide a relatively low cost option for reaching the grassroots and personally reinforcing mass mediated messages.

Notes:

[1] Larry Diamond, "Towards Democratic Consolidation," Journal of Democracy 3 (July 1994): 5.

Contestants as Stakeholders in the Voter Education Mandate

Nonpartisan Participation

Voter education is designed to be nonpartisan. To be effective in empowering and motivating voters, programmes must be impartial and not promote one contender - whether a candidate or political party - over another. This is an extremely important point that is often missed in transitional societies, where little distinction is made between voter education and campaign propaganda.

If voter education is a neutral activity, why then should election contestants be allowed any voice in developing the aims and parameters of a voter education programme? Ideally, all candidates and political parties should have an interest in making sure that voters understand what the elections are about in both a general and a political sense. Generally, it is in the interests of contestants to make sure that voters listen to all points of view, make up their own minds, and go out and vote with a sense of freedom and security. While this may not appear to be in the short-term interest of one particular candidate or political party, voters who understand the issues and make thoughtful choices based on them will, in the end, trust the results, confer legitimacy on elected officials and institutions, and allow the victors to govern.

Because elections are inherently competitive, however, candidates may be sensitive to the possible influence by other political parties or special interest groups over the aims and parameters of the voter education programme. This sensitivity may be most intense in highly polarized election settings where there is little or no trust between political parties or where no sense of loyal opposition exists. If a political party believes its opponents have been given undue influence over the voter education programme, it may set out to limit perceived damage to its own cause by undermining the programme, limiting voter access, intimidating educators, and setting up other barriers to a fair and successful outcome.

In many transitional settings, there may also be a strongly held belief among some contestants that an ill-informed electorate and a chaotic electoral process works to their advantage. In this case, efforts to open up and clarify the voting process, as well as make it more efficient, and to educate voters about their rights and how to properly exercize them may meet with hostility. This kind of mindset is also likely to result in the types of barriers noted above. 

For this reason, voter educators will want to establish relationships with all candidates and their parties to assist in defining the role of a nonpartisan programme, its ultimate benefits to all contestants, the limits of the information being disseminated, and its relationship to party campaigns.

Beyond Political Parties

It is important not to assume that the candidate pool is limited to the officially registered political parties. First, political parties affiliate themselves with various special interest groups, think tanks, institutions, research groups and others who, because of their particular skills, expertise, or interest may be instructive in discussions about the voter education programme. Depending upon the legal provisions, other groups may also be in a position to nominate candidates. There may be self-nomination based on the collection of a requisite number of signatures, groups of voters may come together to put forward a slate of candidates, or public organizations may also be permitted to nominate candidates, or a coalition of political parties and other groups may be formed to contest a particular election. Because these groups may be more transitory in nature or their pariticpation in elections more sporadic, they may be more difficult to reach. An assessment may have to be made of their relative importance. This will vary according to the particular election circumstances.

The Challenge Presented by Election Boycotts

Broad-based election boycott movements will present particular challenges to voter educators and must be taken into consideration. If a particular 'side' in the election contest, as represented by any number of political parties, special interest groups, and civil society organizations, opts to boycott - and encourages its support base to boycott - an election which it perceives to be illegitimate, then efforts to inform, motivate, and mobilize voters become less neutral. This is to say that any attempt to get out the vote may be viewed as support for the government and party (or parties) in power. This situation is most likely to affect international organizations and civil soceity groups, as election authorities may be legally bound to provide voter education despite the circumstances. Even so, civil society groups may be divided about whether participation or boycott is the best means of affecting social, legal, or political change. As noted above, an assessment may have to be made about the relative scope and importance of the boycott. For those opting to proceed with voter education initiaitves despite a broad-base boycott, attempts should be made to meet with both sides and clearly explain to voters the ramifications of their decision to vote or not vote.

Competition and Cooperation in Educating Voters

The framing of a mission for voter education, or the parameters of a particular programme, require all election stakeholders to understand and adhere to the underlying principles of free and fair elections. In order for the voters to accept the outcome and to confer contingent consent on the victors, they must believe that the election was conducted freely and fairly. In order for this to happen, all stakeholders must collaborate in establishing and maintaining a transparent and orderly set of accepted rules and practices and in developing election etiquette and conduct, even when unwritten, that support these rules.

Of course there are stakeholders who may have no interest in the outcome of an election, save that it has expressed the will of the people, or the electorate. But parties, other political factions and individual voters will all have an interest in the competition for power. Amongst these individuals will be found the majority of civil society educators and organizations. No one is immune, and, indeed, everyone is expected to vote and make an informed political decision in favour of a preferred candidate.

It may be argued that this competition makes it impossible for anyone to behave collaboratively in favour of the process rather than the outcome. In such a circumstance, perhaps the best that can be hoped for is self-interested vigilance. But even such self-interest results in collaborative behaviour, if not collaborative motivations. If even this cannot be obtained, then elections often must be conducted by outside organizations or bodies. And there are ample precedents where national and organizational elections have been conducted on such a basis.

Such an arrangement is not sustainable in the long run, and all countries espousing democracy must develop strategies to motivate collaborative behaviour between citizens and their political parties and representatives. In order to conduct voter education programmes, such behaviour must extend to the development of a voter education mission that is isolated from party propaganda.

Voters Key to the Interests of Candidates

It is in the candidates' interests that voters are well informed and prepared, well motivated and critical in their choices. It is in their interests that there is a large voter turn out and that the election results reflect a free and fair process. In this process, and in the acceptance of the outcome, the individual voter is key, and education for all those voters, the electorate, is a major component in achieving it.

Mechanisms for Partnerships in Voter Education

Before proceeding with the design and implementation of a voter education program, election authorities may first turn to election legislation, where it exists, to determine who is entitled to engage in such activities. Even if the law is relatively explicit about what entities in society can conduct voter education or public information, and most laws are not, it may still be necessary to interpret the law in order to implement it.

Once it has been determined which entities have a legal obligation or the legal right to engage in voter education, the process of developing the goals, objectives, and parameters of a particular voter education programme will create opportunities to build coalitions, or create strategic alliances, within civil society and between civil society and responsible government agencies, such as the national election authority. By building partnerships, election authorities and civil society groups can reduce the overall cost of a voter education programme while increasing its reach.

Agreement about goals, objectives, and parameters of a particular voter education programme may be achieved in one of two ways:

On the one hand, the election authority can determine these on its own and then try to sell them to those with whom they seek to collaborate. This approach often reveals disadvantages in terms of the time required to sell the programme as well as a lack of a sense of ownership among civil society groups, and a difficulty in establishing a consensus and then maintaining it throughout the course of the programme. These disadvantages can ultimately lead either to resistance or resentment by civil soceity groups, which in turn will adversely affect their perception of the election authority and undermine future attempts at strategic partnering.

On the other hand, the election authority can utilize a number of mechanisms to ensure early ownership and ongoing support of voter education programme. These may include:

• educator conferences
• consultative meetings
• interviews with civil society leaders
• wide and transparent distribution of draft and final electoral legislation and regulations
• timely provision of other documents likely to be of interest to educators such as press releases, poll worker training materials, and public information materials, for example, Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Many authorities fear that these activities delay the process or, in the case of the provision of drafts, may lead to confusion. While there may be differences of opinion, however, or even public controversy, these measures often result in better law and better programmes in the end with savings in the time needed to convert people to the cause, to bring them up to speed about the electoral process, or to adapt to the standards set by the programme. Time and effort invested early in the this process is often rewarded with success in the long run.

For more information or organizational arrangements for conducting voter education programmes, please refer to the section on Election Specific Organisation.