I. Structural Obstacles
a. Lack of necessary or any documentation
As was mentioned above, not having the documentation
required in order to register to vote is a problem for many groups, including
the poor and ethnic minorities. It is
also a particular problem for women.
In many countries, one must have a national identification
card in order to register and vote.
Large numbers of women lack these cards.
The most basic identifying document that is usually necessary to obtain
additional forms of identification that must be presented to register is the
birth certificate, which women also often do not have. Additionally, one must
also usually provide documentary proof of residence in order to register to
vote, another paper women sometimes lack.
This dearth of documentation is largely due to women’s social isolation
and exclusion from life outside the home in many countries, as well as at times
negative intervention on the part of the men in these women’s lives.
According to the
UN Resident Coordinator and United Nations Development Programme Resident Representative
in Egypt, “It is estimated that in Egypt five million women are without ID
cards. Shockingly, up to 80% of women in some areas do not have an ID card.
Although figures of voter turnout according to gender are not available in
Egypt, making it impossible to state the
level of female turnout with certainty, the lack of ID cards means that in some
places half of the population does not vote.”
UN Women and the UNDP are working with the Egyptian government now “to
issue two million national ID cards to Egyptian women, with mobile registrars
reaching out to the marginalised areas where these women live and visiting the
schools to facilitate registration of girls who can get an ID card from the age
of 16.”[12]
Research and surveys have shown a large participation gap
between men and women in Guatemala, and the primary reason for that is
women’s difficulties in obtaining the identification document – the
cedula—necessary to register to vote.[13] In both Guatemala and Bolivia this has been
demonstrated to be a particular problem for indigenous women.
The
Inter--‐American Development Bank (IADB)
estimates that 10 percent of Guatemalans lack any documentation, including
birth certificates, while 40 percent of indigenous Guatemalans are undocumented. Some analyses conclude it could be as much as
50 percent among rural indigenous, especially women.[14]
Similarly, NDI found during the 2010 election in Burkina Faso that the very
low registration and voting rate was in large part due to the thousands of
women who could not meet the documentation requirements in the registration
process.
For Burkina Faso’s last election – a
presidential poll in 2010 –difficult and confusing requirements resulted in
overwhelmingly low voter registration. Only three million of the country’s six
million eligible citizens registered. And of those, only 1.7 million showed up
at the polls. Women, in particular, faced formidable obstacles because of a
requirement that citizens obtain a birth certificate before they can register.
To
get a birth certificate, citizens must have two witnesses, such as their mother
or a midwife, to vouch for their birth in the country. But many women leave
their birth villages when they get married and coming back to find witnesses
can be a daunting task. Burkina Faso is one of the world’s poorest countries
and for a woman to leave her village for an entire day to complete this task
can cost more than she can afford.[15]
According to the
head of a national women’s coalition in Zimbabwe one of the requirements to
register to vote in the 2013 election was proof of residence, “and we know that
many women in Zimbabwe don’t own property or it is not registered in their
name, so they struggled to get registered, and then on voting day there were
women who could not find their names on voters roll.”[16] Properties,
leases and utilities are registered in the names of men who are considered
heads of households and who are normally responsible for paying for utilities,
while women buy food, clothes and domestic labor. As a result, women have no proof of
residency.
Studies
have also found getting identity documents to be a problem for women in
Zimbabwe. “The processes of acquiring documents are, by and
large, difficult for individuals trying to access identity documents for the
first time, but for those who are trying to replace lost, stolen, or damaged
documents, these difficulties increase when they are faced by women.”[17] In
focus groups, one organization found that “Bureaucratic procedures in getting
some identity documents were considered a challenge by most of the women. The
women noted that the Office of the R-G [Registrar General] has its own set of
rules and requirements, varying from place to place, which causes confusion as
the women do not know exactly what they need to get identity documents.”[18]
In Lebanon,
the requirements regarding documentation are blatantly discriminatory. Women
are required to provide documentary evidence of elementary school education,
while men are not.[19]
Identification and the Veil
In
some Muslim countries, requiring a photo identification has been problematic
where women are not allowed to be photographed wearing the veil. As described in detail below, this was a
major impediment to women’s registration in Cameroon this year. In Yemen, former British Member of Parliament and well known international elections
expert Michael Meadowcraft, reports that,[20]
at the first election for the reunited country,
electoral registration with photo ID voters' cards was undertaken. Women had to
lift their veils for the photo. A copy was on the card retained by the elector
and a copy was on the register retained by the electoral authority. There was a
very poor level of female electoral registration - around 14% I think, from
memory. It was discovered that it was because of the copy of the photograph
being retained by the electoral authority. At the subsequent election the rule
was changed and only one photograph was required, ie that retained by the
elector, and the registration level shot up - to 35%, I recall. Still poor but
much better. There were separate polling stations for men and women, and the
women did not object to raising the veil to have the voter's card photo
checked.
In Kenya in 2012, religious leaders advocated for
allowing women to have their photographs taken privately so they would not have
to lift their veils in public.[21]
The veil issue has also reportedly presented problems in Uganda. “In
preparation for 2006 General elections … women protested having to remove their
veils so as to undergo the new finger print and facial recognition registration
system that was introduced earlier in 2005.”[22]
Reluctance to being photographed, and
men’s discomfort with wives and daughters having their pictures taken has also been
an obstacle to women’s voter registration in Afghanistan.[23]
b. Passive
systems
“Passive”
systems whereby the government, usually an interior ministry, formulates the
voter’s list based on the civil registry or some other database of citizen
information, are generally less problematic.
However, even in passive systems, errors can
be made. In particular, women
who have married and changed their names and addresses may be inadvertently
disenfranchised if their records are not automatically updated or if they
have not reported their change of status to the appropriate authorities. While
it does not have a passive system, this has been a problem in the United States
when women’s names on the voter registration list don’t match the name on
identification they are required to show in certain states.[24]
In Zimbabwe, for
example, the General Laws Amendment Act allows the office of the
registrar-general to change married women’s surnames to those of their husbands
without notifying them or seeking their consent, thus potentially
disenfranchising them. In the past, many women only became aware of the anomaly
when the names on their identity documents did not match those on the voters’
roll, by which time it was probably too late to correct the error.
In Lebanon, there is a passive system – the problem is that
married women’s place of registration is automatically their husband’s place of
registration. This can
be an issue, for example, if a woman has moved away from her husband’s home.
c. Remote locations and limited hours
In a voter registration system in which citizens must
personally report to an office somewhere and apply with accompanying
documentation, the location of and the hours available at that office are critical
to whether citizens have a full and fair opportunity to register to vote. Sparse locations, especially in rural areas,
and limited times of opening hours present particular obstacles for women given
their role in society. For example, in
most countries, women continue to be the primary caretakers of children, and in
many cases, elderly members of the family.
This may constrict their ability to get to an office that is far away
and not open hours which are convenient for her. A woman may have greater concerns about
security in travelling long distances, and transportation that is accessible to
her might not be available. Women, who
are often the face of poverty, may not have the financial means to travel long
distances. Some women in certain countries are unable to walk the necessary
distances. As a result, the decisions of the elections authorities about the
location and times of voter registration activities can make all the difference
as to whether women can participate or not.
The IADB reports
that in Guatemala low income precludes affording the indirect costs of
processing a registration, such as the trip (travel from the village to the
administrative center of the municipality), the loss of work hours, etc., in
addition to the direct cost of the document (neighborhood card or the process
to register the birth certificate when it was not registered on time), since
the Civil Registry offices are located in the cities that serve as
administrative centers for municipalities.”[25]
In Colombia the
National Registry reported that as of July 2012, 1.4 million citizens had
applied for identity cards but had not picked them up.[26] One of the difficulties is that while the
government sends out mobile units to register people, often they must travel on
their own to an urban center to get the ID. In some areas the only way to
travel is on the river by boat, which is complicated and expensive for many.
Moreover, it can be dangerous to travel in some areas given the ongoing
conflict.
In
some villages in Uganda voter registration centers are simply too far away for women
to walk to.[27] A member of Uganda’s election management body
has observed that “women cannot withstand the long queues that [are] common
during voter registration exercise in most African Countries. In most cases
voter registration kits are few and time scheduled for the exercise is also
limited.”[28] Another
interlocutor in Uganda says “most women are too poor to even afford a little
transport to take them to these registration centers, they are already bogged
down by home/family needs and see this as wastage of the already meager
resources.”[29]
The same is reportedly true in the Democratic Republic of Congo.[30] This is similarly the case in some parts of
Kenya. According to one interlocutor, “Domestic responsibilities prevent women
from registering especially due to the long queues yet the woman has children,
land to till and livestock to attend to.” Lack of security in travelling to the
site is also a problem.[31] Another Kenyan interlocutor similarly reports
that “Some registration centers are located far away and women find it
difficult to travel the long distances. Furthermore, transport infrastructure
may discourage the women who may be required to for example cross several
rivers before reaching the centers. Women therefore do not feel secure
traveling several kilometers while enduring the above difficulties.”[32]
II. Socio-Economic Constraints
Obstacles due
to time and travel limitations are in part due to women’s lack of resources,
including relative to men. However,
there are other social issues that impact women’s ability to register to
vote. One of these is lack of education
and high rates of illiteracy. People with little education
and/or who are unable to read or write, disproportionately women in many
places, may be unaware of the registration process or be unable to read, fill
in or sign the necessary forms. Lack of
education and illiteracy can mean women are not conscious of their voting
rights, do not have access to information about candidates and issues, and do
not understand the political system or how elections and public policy affect
their lives.[33] Often, voter education campaigns regarding
registration to the extent they are conducted in some countries cannot or do
not take into account low rates of literacy or always sufficiently target
poorly educated populations.
Unquestionably globally and especially in the developing world the
education gap between girls and boys and men and women is great. According to UNICEF,
Despite progress
in recent years, girls continue to suffer severe disadvantage and exclusion in
education systems throughout their lives. An estimated 31 million girls of
primary school age and 34 million girls of lower secondary school age were not
enrolled in school in 2011. Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest proportion of
countries with gender parity: only two out of 35 countries. In the Central
African Republic, Niger, Chad and Malawi, fewer than 1 in 200 girls go to
university. Furthermore, recent estimates predict that only 62 out of 168
countries will achieve gender parity in secondary education by 2015.[34]
Similarly, according to the UN, two-thirds of
the 774 million illiterate people in the world are female.
[35]
The
connection between lack of education and literacy and ability to register to
vote is evident in a number of countries.
Human Rights Watch has identified lack of access to information and low
literacy rates as a contributing factor to lower levels of voter registration
in Libya.[36] The same is the case in Mali.[37]
According to an IFES study in Pakistan, illiteracy is a
barrier to women’s awareness of elections. In particular, women ignore the
importance of the exercise of their right to vote, as they are mainly absorbed
by their domestic tasks, family duties and income-earning activities.
Two-thirds of
Pakistan’s working age women, some 40 million, are illiterate. The World
Economic Forum ranked Pakistan near the very bottom of its ‘gender gap” report,
only ahead of Yemen.[38]
According to a report by the US
Institute for Peace, “women tend to be more excluded from the electoral process
than men because…as a group they have significantly lower literacy, are less
informed about the electoral process, and face restrictions in their access to
the public aspects of elections,
including registering to vote and traveling to the polls.”[39]
In
Guatemala, 23% of women have had no schooling, 33% cannot read or write, and
77% of rural women are illiterate. In Bolivia 17% of women have no schooling, as compared to only 5% of
men. Among rural women 34% have no education, as compared to 11% of men.
Another
important issue is that according to the United Nations, the overwhelming
majority of internally displaced persons are women and children.[40] As IDPs, these women likely lack
identity documents or a permanent address, both necessary to register to vote. In some countries programs are established to
facilitate the voting rights of IDPs, but often the capacity to do that is not
available. In some countries there is no legal right to vote for IDPs.
III. Cultural, Social and Political Obstacles
Religious
customs, conservative interpretations of religious law,[41]
traditional cultural norms and societies permeated with gender discrimination
and gendered roles, both formal and informal pose some of the biggest obstacles
to women’s ability to participate in political life through registering and
voting among other activities.[42]
The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women,
a body created by CEDAW, has described the issue this way:
Invariably, women have been assigned to the
private or domestic sphere, associated with reproduction and the raising of
children, and in all societies these activities have been treated as inferior.
By contrast, public life, which is respected and honoured, extends to a broad
range of activity outside the private and domestic sphere. Men historically
have both dominated public life and exercised the power to confine and
subordinate women within the private sphere.
…Despite women's central role in sustaining the
family and society and their contribution to development, they have been
excluded from political life and the decision-making process, which nonetheless
determine the pattern of their daily lives and the future of societies.
…In all nations, the most significant factors
inhibiting women's ability to participate in public life have been the cultural
framework of values and religious beliefs, the lack of services and men's
failure to share the tasks associated with the organization of the household
and with the care and raising of children. In all nations, cultural traditions
and religious beliefs have played a part in confining women to the private
spheres of activity and excluding them from active participation in public
life.[43]
A report for the Working Group on the issue of discrimination
against women in law and in practice makes a similar observation.
Discrimination against women in public and political
life is related to the discrimination that women face in other aspects of their
lives, as human rights are indivisible. Structural and systemic barriers in
society, such as deeply entrenched gender roles and negative gender
stereotyping, limit women… In addition
to women’s caregiver responsibilities, women’s participation in political and
public life can be significantly limited by patriarchal culture, where women
are not considered socially fit to enter politics.[44]
These cultural barriers exist in all regions of
the world. The Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights has observed that
Among the main causes that originate and perpetuate
inequality between men and women in regard to political participation is the
continuation “of a patriarchal gender order that maintains a sexual
division of labor, limiting women to the private space and men to the public
realm.” Civil society organizations have indicated to the Commission that
women’s exercise of their right to participate is constrained and limited by a
political culture that denies them the opportunity to share power with men and
that permeates the political game, the structures and procedures of political
groups, and the behavior of the electorate.[45]
These kinds of barriers are much more difficult to combat that
those that are structural or even to some degree those that are socio-economic
in nature. It is one thing to advocate
for more and more conveniently located voter registration centers, or even that
election management bodies take specific measures to ensure that women lacking
literacy skills get the information they need.
Religious and cultural norms are a different matter altogether. They are so ingrained in certain cultures,
and in the women themselves, that it is a long term battle to get belief
systems to change, among women and men.
It is an effort that must be undertaken however, in conjunction with
other efforts, if there is to be true gender equity in the political realm,
including in the number of women who register and vote.
The
issues surrounding religion are often delicate.
It is difficult for women who may believe, or have been told, that their
religious tenets mean they are prohibited from taking the steps necessary
register to vote to overcome that conditioning.
Voting rights for women have been prohibited altogether in some Gulf
States until very recently, and is some are still heavily circumscribed. International
documents, however, would seem to leave little room for exception on this basis
when it comes to democratic rights and equality under the law, although many
countries in the Middle East and North Africa have made reservations to certain
provisions of CEDAW on just this rationale.[46]
Some of the suppression of women’s registration
and participation also stems from tribal culture, which can be difficult for
women to challenge. Sometimes the women themselves are so socialized in these
ways of life that it does not occur to them to think or behave otherwise. International IDEA
reported in a 2005 publication regarding Yemen that while participation rates
were improving, negative stances towards women’s engagement “has been consecrated by the tribe, its
value system and its negative view of women.”[47]
As one Kenyan
interlocutor said to us, “The role of
choosing or electing leaders in some traditional African communities was the
preserve of men. This role has found its place in contemporary African
communities as traditions are not easily written off. Women are expected by
society to be home makers and those who find their way to the registration
centers do so at the instructions of the men on where to register and more so
who to vote for.”[48]
In Mali, NDI has found one of the
reasons for the low
participation of women in political decision-making lies in the organization of the traditional society.
The woman bears the weight of traditions and customs that consider politics the business of men. Therefore, the community, including women and especially
husbands are reluctant to allow
women into this sphere of life.[49]
The
problem of barriers to women travelling outside the home, for religious or
cultural reasons, is one of the biggest when it comes to women’s ability to go
and register to vote. The practice of
fathers and husbands and the social codes of the wider society placing strict
limits on women’s public movements is a widespread phenomenon. For example, half
of Yemeni women surveyed by the Status of Women in the Middle East and North
Africa (SWMENA) Project “report being completely restricted from leaving their
house without permission (47 percent) and another 15 percent say they are
somewhat restricted.”[50] In rural areas of Pakistan, many women do not
get their identity documents because they are unable to leave their house
without a male guardian.[51]
An IFES survey
found that women in Libya were 22 percent less likely to have voted in the most
recent elections and that
Women in Libya tend to be
relatively restricted in their abilities to move around and express themselves
freely: at least one in five female respondents felt somewhat or completely
restricted in associating with persons of her own choosing (24%), moving about
in public areas without fear or pressure (29%), and expressing her views on
critical issues to family, neighbors and friends (34%). Most concerning is that
a 57% majority of women say that they feel completely (37%) or somewhat (20%)
restricted in leaving their houses without permission. This shows the extent to
which women in Libya face to remain homebound in their daily activities and
could partially explain why their levels of civic engagement are low especially
when it comes to activities that require them leaving their houses.[52]
Although the 2012 elections in Libya were seen as an improvement, Human
Rights Watch nonetheless observed that
Restrictions on women’s
participation in politics were not only found in legal prohibitions, but
primarily in social and cultural obstacles and pressures. Libyan women historically
had very few opportunities to rise to positions of political leadership and
decision-making. Politics was generally seen as “no place for a woman,” and
many families discouraged participation in public life in order to “protect
honor, dignity, and marriageability,” according to women’s rights activists.[53]
Restrictions
on women’s interaction with men can also be a problem. For example, in Pakistan the
practice of employing only male registrars for house calls likely contributed
to low female registration as in many areas women at home without their male
relatives were unlikely to even open the door to an unfamiliar male visitor. In the context of door-to-door registration, cultural norms forbid
men to tell the names of their women family members to male strangers. This contributed to the shortfall of women
voters in voters’ lists. Many states have
indeed tried to manage this by having female registrars for female voters, but
this can be a challenge to implement, especially in recruiting sufficient
numbers of staff.[54]
In many parts of
Latin America, a persistent, though waning, “machismo” culture can be a major
deterrent to women registering to vote. For example UNICEF has said that in
Bolivia, for example, “a traditional misogynist culture persists
where women are assigned a subordinate, traditional and dependent role.”[55] More specifically, according to another
report, “ One example is Aymara democracy—the Aymara being one
of the most populous indigenous peoples in Bolivia—in which only males can
participate in public debate: the Communal Assembly—parlakipawi—as the
highest authority and centre of community life, bars female participation.
Being elected the main authority (jilakata or kuraka) is a
privilege that is enjoyed only by men who are married, own land, and are heads
of family.”[56] An NDI workshop in Guatemala revealed the
sense among women that male chauvinism continues to be a barrier to women
participating in elections in that country.[57]
Such attitudes are problematic in Asia as well. “In South Asia, patriarchy,
seclusion and the power of the family to exercise social control over male and
female activities mean that most women are unaware of their rights and lack the
means to realize them.”[58]
Violence
against women, directly in connection with the election, in the country or the
community, as well as in the home acts as a deterrent to women’s registering to
vote. It creates a real atmosphere of
intimidation and instills a sense of fear and inferiority in a woman who might
otherwise want to engage. “In addition to violence, the threat of
violence can stop women from fully participating in political life. The fear of
violence can have the psychological effect on women of restricting their
participation.”[59] CEDAW
General Recommendation 19 specifically notes that all forms of violence against
women inhibit their political participation.
IFES has done a
thorough study of the various forms of electoral violence against women and
their impact on women’s political participation that goes into this issue in
depth and should be read for a full discussion of this subject. The author writes
Most women, and
men, in any given country will never run for office or become prominent leaders
in political movements. However, women represent a powerful political force as
citizens, voters, journalists, caregivers and educators, amongst a myriad of
other roles. It is in these political roles that women also become distinct
targets of gender-specific electoral violence. Violent acts that target voters,
or the general population, are designed to dissuade voters from casting their
ballots, registering to vote or participating in rallies and other political
events. In some cases, attacks like this are overtly gender-targeted…[60]
Analyzing data from a number of countries
across several years, Bardall finds “women voters are the second-most frequent
type of female victims of electoral violence (22 percent of all female victim types).
These women were attacked either at polling places, during voter registration
or during other civic activities. Female voters are victims at roughly four
times the rate of male voters (6 percent of total male victims).”[61] Moreover, intimidating political rhetoric can
lead to women’s disenfranchisement, as can politically-motivated physical and
sexual violence against women that takes place outside and inside the home.”[62]
Sexual abuse for electoral motives
includes politically-motivated rape as a tool of terror and intimidation,
marital rape as a tool of repression, sexual harassment, assault and abuse with
the objective of controlling, intimidating, humiliating and disenfranchising
the victim. Sexual abuse by public actors is estimated to be grossly under-reported,
while private abuse for political purposes still remains almost entirely
outside of formal research approaches. Physical violence for purposes of social
control at the community and family levels and politically-motivated domestic
violence are both powerful tools to control and influence women’s political
behavior which also remain largely undocumented.[63]
Bardall cites specific examples of gender targeted
electoral violence meant to deter women from registering, voting and engaging
politically, such as “the brutal army crackdown on a pro-election rally in
Conakry, Guinea in 2008, when scores of women were raped.”[64]
While less the case in the 2013
election, women in Zimbabwe have been particularly subjected to violence meant
to deter their participation, and for the last several years Zimbabwean women
have reported in large numbers feeling unsafe and experiencing violence against
them in election periods, especially in 2008 when almost 2/3 of women said they
had been subjected to election related violence.[65]
This
has also been a major barrier in Bolivia. “In
Bolivia now, harassment and violence against women involved in politics is the
main barrier against women’s political participation” (Open Democracy, 2010).”[66]
While it is
impossible to provide precise data on the links between public and private
violence against women and voter registration rates specifically, climates of
fear and intimidation and real threats undoubtedly factor into women’s
decisions as to whether to risk the trouble of going through the voter
registration process, the first and most basic step to participating
politically.
Finally,
another disturbing trend is the number of women who have been socialized to
believe they should not participate in elections, that the public sphere
belongs to men, or lack confidence in their own ability to make decisions, and
hence do not register to vote. When we posed the question of what contributes
to the gap in voter registration between men and women to the ACE Practitioners
Network, it was truly striking how many respondents cited women’s own belief
systems and lack of self-confidence as major factors in their countries. While
contributions were made from elections experts and administrators from a number
of different countries, this factor came up repeatedly among respondents
discussing Burundi. Moreover, it is reported that given their own personal
experiences, many women have also come to believe that registering and voting
will not make a difference, a cynicism that is shared by men but is exacerbated
in the case of women whose lives may be highly circumscribed and rights
suppressed in a multitude of respects.[67]
IV. Current Efforts and the Way Forward
It is important to note that
in many countries around the world women register in numbers equal to or
greater than men, and that there are some countries that have and are making
substantial progress in this regard. The
challenge going forward is to gather sufficient data and conduct analysis as to
how these countries have managed to achieve such success.
For example, progress has
been made in many parts of Latin America. The Inter-American Commission for Human
Rights has found that
According to data from state
and non‐state sources, in several countries of the region the
percentage of women voters—or those are registered to vote pursuant to
electoral rolls—is higher than that of their male counterparts. In fact, there
have been high turnouts of women voters in recent elections. Thus, according to
the data of the States, in Ecuador, 52.23 percent of women voted in 2007, as
compared to 48.24 percent of men; in El Salvador, women accounted for 53.45
percent of the vote in 2004, while the corresponding figure for men was 46.55
percent; in Honduras, women accounted for approximately 52 percent of voters in
the 2005 elections; and in Mexico, electoral rolls reveal that more women
registered to vote than did men between 2004 and 2008…. in Guatemala, the
increase in women registering to vote was twice that of men...[68]
There has been evident success in India
as well where “more women than men have voted in recent elections held in
Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Manipur, Uttarakhand and Goa. Several measures by
the Indian Election Commission such as the distribution of voter slips and
support to first time voters, ensuring that violence was minimized, increased
the level of confidence among women voters in the recently concluded state
assembly elections in five states in 2012.”[69]
Election management bodies, civil society and international
organizations are making efforts across the globe to improve women’s voter
registration rates. There are anecdotal
successes. For example, NDI and UN based
programs, among others, to educate women about the voter registration process
and to help them get requisite identification in various countries seem to have made a difference. But no serious analysis
seems to have been conducted that could help provide for best practices taking
into account a spectrum of contexts and environments. This is a gap in research and a missing
element in the work to improve political participation among women.
The current registration process taking place in Afghanistan might
provide the opportunity for an interesting case study as a next step. The election commission, with international
assistance, is taking major steps to increase the number of women registered to
vote there, given the wide gap in male and female registration rates.
As of mid-October, the registration
numbers helpfully posted on the commission’s website were 1,282,880 men and
696,998 women. In November, the IEC
announced that with a few days remaining in the process, approximately 2.7 million
people had registered to vote, 1 million of whom were women.[70]
There is clearly still a tremendous disparity by gender. The process began in
May, and while registration in most parts of the country is formally ending, in
some places certain programs will continue until March 22, 2014.[71]
Women in Afghanistan confront many of
the same problems that women studied elsewhere face with the added issue of
extreme insecurity. The activities of the Taliban and ongoing violence
throughout the country limit much of the population’s ability to participate in
public life. Due to cultural norms, women are not entrusted with the right to
get voter cards, women are restricted by their families in their ability to
move about freely, and women are concerned about having to deal with men at the
registration centers, particularly having to have their pictures taken. As with much of the population, there is also
a certain degree of cynicism among women that participating will lead to change
with respect to the issues of concern to them.[72]
The commission has been touting a number of measures they are taking to
address these challenges.. The
IEC created a gender unit and a specific gender strategy for the upcoming
elections, particularly focused on voter registration. The IEC website
describes the program as follows:
In preparation for the elections,
the IEC has undertaken strategies to encourage female voters to register, as
well as to increase the female staff at IEC headquarters and provinces to
actually conduct voter registration. The IEC will continue to involve
influential leaders, including Mullahs and women’s networks, to create
awareness on the importance of women’s electoral participation. The public
outreach work of IEC will not only develop targeted messages for female voters,
but will also ensure that gender is taken into account in all of the messaging
in order to promote a gender responsive voter education approach. This is
intended to promote inclusiveness and transparency in the electoral processes,
and to safeguard the fundamental right to vote for all eligible women voters.
Similarly, with regards to IEC
staffing, efforts are being put into place to ensure women’s active role in the
election administration structures, including: female trainers; female voter
educators; and voter registration and polling staff… One important example of
the need for a specific focus on gender in the electoral process is the fact
that the IEC has provided female voters with culture sensitive options in
regard to the issue of photos on voter registration cards. While the IEC is not
insisting on female photo IDs, it does stress that as a measure to minimize
fraud, IEC encourages female voters to have a picture in their cards when
possible.[73]
The IEC has also developed an information leaflet targeted at women
which it hopes to disseminate widely. To expand its efforts to educate women
about their rights and the registration process, a number of TV and radio PSAs
have been created by the public relations department focused on women and
voting and are currently airing in the country.
In addition, the IEC is trying to establish registration centers with
separate female stations staffed with female officers,[74]
though so far it has had trouble recruiting sufficient numbers of women in some
regions. The IEC has opened 385 registration centres with plans for a total of
399 centres throughout the country. According to press reports, the IEC is also
deploying mobile registration in order to reach more women.[75]
While the IEC is underfunded, and perhaps started these programs
later than they should have for maximum effect, the efforts it is undertaking
seem worth ongoing study and analysis for determining the relative value of future
activities in Afghanistan and elsewhere.
Conclusion
Women clearly confront a number of different kinds of obstacles to
registering to vote around the world. As
a result, they are blocked from public and political participation at the most
basic level, even before the stage of going to cast a ballot. While not a problem in every country, there
is enough anecdotal and even quantitative data in a few places to demonstrate
it is a trouble spot that the international community, national governments,
elections administrators and civil society ought to pay closer attention to. While some of the cultural and religious
obstacles may seem difficult to overcome, we have seen in some countries
election administrators try to accommodate women who find themselves so
restricted. In many parts of the world,
the problem is women’s lack of documentation, which is a problem that goes
beyond just women, and beyond just registering and voting, that needs
addressing. Some countries are starting
to take measures to do so. These
activities are promising, but not sufficient.
The first step to finding the right solutions to these problems is
to obtain more data. At the very least, advocates,
analysts and policymakers need disaggregated registration data to know where
the problems are the gravest. In
addition, there is a great need to undertake analysis of existing and previous
programs to increase women’s participation in voter registration to assess what
are the best strategies and programs, and under what circumstances might they
be successfully duplicated.
The matter of “gender mainstreaming” in both elections analysis and
observation and in other policy realms has risen to a high level of attention
in recent years. The voter registration
process is often left out however when these discussions take place. If we are to truly attain gender equity in
the political realm as well as other spheres of life, this is an aspect of
public participation that requires greater consideration, and action.
<< Previous: Challenges to Women in the Voter Registration Process
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[12] Anita Nirody, “Women Must Play Active Political Role,” Girl’s
Rights Gazette, Plan EU, October 11, 2013, p. 6. Sarah El-Rashidi, “New campaign aims to provide marginalised women with national IDs,”Ahram Online, March 12, 2012.
[13] NDI, Barriers to Electoral
Participation in Guatemala, 2007, p. 30, pp 87-88.
[14] Maria del Carmen Tamargo, El Subregistro de Nacimientos: El
Análisis de las Variables de Género y Etnia en Guatemala, IADB, 2008, p. 5, available at: www.iadb.org/document.cfm?id=1963765.
[15] In partnership with the government and civil society, NDI was able
to launch a 15 day campaign that led to 16,000 women obtaining documentation.
NDI, “Burkina Faso Campaign Brings 16,000 Women Closer to Voter Registration,”
October 19, 2012 at http://www.ndi.org/burkina-faso-birth-certificates.
[16] Susan Tolmay, Women Rights Organisations
Strategize for Democracy in Zimbabwe, Association for Women's
Rights in Development, October 4, 2013
[17] Rumbidzai Dube Identity, Citizenship, and the Registrar General: The Politicking of Identity in
Zimbabwe, RAU
July 2012, p. 5.
[19] Megan Alexandra Dersnah, Women in Political and Public Life, Global Report for the Working Group on the issue of
discrimination against women in law and in practice, p. 38.
[21] Brian Otieno, “Let Muslim women wear
headgear, plead Imams,” The Star, November 23, 2012.
[23] Obaid Ali and Ali M. Latifi, “A Slow Start: Afghan Voter
Registration in Urban Centers First,” Afghanistan Analysts Network, June 8,
2013.
[24] See for example Jean Ann Esselink, “Republicans Find a New Way to
Disenfranchise Women Voters,” The New Civil Rights Movement, October 17, 2013.
[25] Tamargo, El
Subregistro de Nacimientos, 2008, p. 20.
[26] República de Colômbia,
Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil de Colombia. “Hay un millón y medio de
cédulas de ciudadanía listas para ser reclamadas por sus titulares en todas las
Registradurías del país,” Boletín:
Nuestra Huella Digital, edition
no. 219, July 9--‐15, 2012, available at: http://www.registraduria.gov.co/Boletin--‐Semanal--‐Edicion--‐219--‐del--‐9.html#reclamardes.
[33] CEDAW General Recommendation No. 23 (16th session, 1997), Article
7 (political and public life), paragraph 20 (a).
[35] UNESCO, Education
for All Global Monitoring Report Fact Sheet, October 2013.
[36] Human Rights Watch, A Revolution for All: Women’s Rights in the New Libya, May 27,
2013, P.12.
[37]ATELIER DE FORMATION EN GENRE DES ORGANES DE GESTION DES ELECTIONS AU MALI,
NDI and UN Women, Me Djourté
Fatoumata Dembélé, Directrice de la Maison de la, Femme, Rive Droite, NDI
Workshop, Bamako, September 14, 2013.
[39] Scott
Worden and Nina Sudhakar, Learning from Women’s Success in the
2010Afghan Elections, United States Institute for Peace, June 2012, p. 6.
[41] There is a complicated and extensive literature dedicated to the
question of the compatibility between Islam and gender equity that is beyond
the scope of this paper.
[43] CEDAW General Recommendation No. 23 (16th session, 1997) Article 7
(political and public life)
[44] Megan Alexandra
Dersnah, Women in Political and Public
Life, Global Report for the Working Group on the
issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice, p. 3
and p. 6 at www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Women/WG/.../WG_Global.docx.
[45] The Road To Substantive Democracy: Women´s Political
Participation In The Americas, Inter-American Commission On Human Rights, 18 April 2011, p. 40.
[46] See UNICEF, “Regional
Overview for the Middle East and North Africa: MENA Gender Equality Profile Status of Girls and
Women in the Middle East and North Africa,” 2011.
[47] International IDEA, Building Democracy in Yemen: Women’s
Political Participation, Political Party Life and
Democratic Elections, 2005, p. 26.
[49] ATELIER DE
FORMATION EN GENRE DES ORGANES DE
GESTION DES ELECTIONS AU MALI, NDI and UN Women, Me Djourté
Fatoumata Dembélé, Directrice de la Maison de la, Femme, Rive Droite, NDI
Workshop, Bamako, September 14, 2013.
[50] Gabrielle Bardall, Breaking the Mold: Understanding Gender and Electoral Violence, December 2011, p. 18.
[52] Jessica Huber, IFES’
Survey on the Status of Women in Libya, IFES, September
18, 2013, p. 8.
[53] Human
Rights Watch, A Revolution for All:
Women’s Rights in the New Libya, May 27, 2013, p.
15.
[56] Jimena Costa Benavides, PAPER PRESENTED AT
INTERNATIONAL IDEA WORKSHOP, The Implementation of Quotas: Latin American Experiences, Lima, Peru, 23–24 February 2003.
[57] NDI, Barriers to Electoral Participation in Guatemala, 2007, p. 20.
[58] SK Priya, Study Related to
Discrimination Against Women in Law and in Practice in Political and Public
Life, Including During Times of Political Transitions, in Asia, Working
Group on the Issue of Discrimination Against Women in Law and in Practice,
October 21, 2012, p. 28.
[59] Megan Alexandra Dersnah, Women
in Political and Public Life, Global Report for the Working Group on the
issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice, p.8.
[60]
Gabrielle Bardall, Breaking the Mold: Understanding Gender and
Electoral Violence, IFES,
2011, p. 15.
[65] A P Reeler,
Zimbabwe women and their participation in elections, Research & Advocacy
Unit [RAU], 2010, p. 3.
[66] Gabrielle
Bardall, Breaking the Mold: Understanding Gender and Electoral Violence, IFES, 2011, p. 12.
[68] Inter-American Commission On Human Rights,
The Road To Substantive Democracy: Women´s Political Participation In
The Americas, 18 April 2011, p. 44.
[69] SK Priya, Study Related to
Discrimination Against Women in Law and in Practice in Political and Public
Life, Including During Times of Political Transitions, in Asia, Working
Group on the Issue of Discrimination Against Women in Law and in Practice,
October 21, 2012, p. 16.
[71] UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan, “In first visit to Afghanistan, UN official
urges safeguarding of advances made for women,” October 8, 2013.
[72] Interview with Obaid Ali, Afghanistan Analyst Network, November 11,
2013.
