The Question

This question is posed on behalf of Deepti Khakurel, International IDEA.

In Nepal, Constituent Assembly elections are expected to be held in the near future. The Constitution of Nepal establishes that women must constitute at least 33% of candidates for the Constituent Assembly, under the country’s mixed electoral system. In order to help ensure that 33% women are elected, women leaders are asking for reserved seats or constituencies for those elected on the basis of the First Past the Post system. (This would be in addition to the quota in the Proportional Representation system, which currently requires 50% women on party candidate lists.) My questions are therefore:

• What examples are there of countries that have adopted similar practices of reserved seats or constituencies?
• What criteria are used to reserve seats or constituencies in these examples?
• What are the experiences, challenges and outcomes of reserving seats or constituencies around the world?

(See also: ACE Comparative data: Nepal country page)

Summary of Responses

Members provided examples of reserved seats for women from across the world

PN members across the discussion cited countries where seats were reserved specifically for women. Several members mentioned electoral provisions supporting women candidates in the following African countries:  Kenya, Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, Senegal, and Zimbabwe. Several members cited Kenyan constitutional provisions ensuring that at least one-third of parliamentary seats are held by women. The one-third rule has also been implemented across institutions in Burundi (as one PN member noted in Burundi: in parliament, government, and local administration) and Rwanda. Members also noted that the one-third rule exists in Colombia and Ecuador.

With regard to women-only constituencies, one PN member noted Uganda’s implementation of the system, and suggesting women-only constituencies exist also in Kenya, Ghana, and Zambia. In Uganda, the constitution requires that each national district have a woman representative in parliament, irrespective of the number of constituencies in the district. Notably, the constitution enacts a special provision for electing representatives of female youth, workers, and women with disabilities per region (Uganda has four regions). In Kenya, 47 special elective seats were created for women to be contested by women only from the country’s 47 counties. This effectively allows 47 women to be directly elected to the National Assembly.

Overall, members generally pointed out that electoral systems across the world have been reformed in attempts to increase the percentage of women candidates.  In Senegal, one PN member noted there exists a parity law to ensure party lists are 50% women, which has resulted in 40% of parliament being women. Another PN member noted that during the Zimbabwe 2013 Harmonized Elections, the country enacted a mixed-electoral system which, while maintaining the first-past-the-post-system also enacted a party list system reserving parliamentary seats for women. In the context of Jordan, one PN member noted provisions for women’s representation in the 2013 parliamentary elections.  This election fell under the 2012 electoral law, which while maintaining Jordan’s Single-Non-Transferable-Vote system in 45 electoral districts, also implemented a proportional representation system for 27 national seats. 

Members also noted the challenges of reserved seats and women only constituencies 

Despite the many electoral provisions PN members listed to elect more women candidates, members also noted the many challenges in their implementation, with many cautioning that provisions alone cannot guarantee better women’s representation.

For example, one PN member noted the Burundi Electoral Code provision of ‘cooptation,’ which, in order to ensure that 30% of the National Assembly is women, allows women to be appointed to serve on the National Assembly (without being elected) in cases where women are underrepresented after the vote.  The same member noted this has led to the appointment of female candidates less qualified than their male counterparts. Another PN member from Kenya expressed his view that cultural perceptions of women still affect women’s chances of being elected, despite the existence of legal provisions to bolster women’s representation. 

Finally, one PN member expressed concern over the concept of women-only constituencies, and its potential violation of several electoral principles stipulated in the Venice Commission, and outlined in its document ‘Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters.’ From his perspective, the principles that women-only constituencies potentially violate include equal voting rights, equal voting power, equality of opportunity, and equality and parity of the sexes.  Noting the issue of women candidates being less qualified than their male counterparts, the same member expressed that policymakers should  focusing on learning and capacity building opportunities to improve women’s chances of competing in the political arena.

External Resources

• Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters

Names of Contributors

• Giovanni Buttigieg

• Abdul Alim

• Christine Ndayishimiye

• Liberata Irambona

• Julius Aluko

• Francisco Barrera

• Ochana Patrick

• Velko Milolev

• Alain Gauthier

• Vincent de Paul Taty

• Bucumi Julius

• Ababacar Fall

• Agnes Inamahoro

• Maria Luisa Mora Poveda

• George Ngugi Gathuka

• Pamela Mapondera

• Enrique Lopez Sanavia

• Manasse Manirambona 

• Kwamboka Mogaka Florence

The new electoral system in Kenya tackles this matter extensively.  I recommend you have a look there.

In Bangladesh, in addition to 300 seats (direct voting), the constitution ensures 50 reserved seats for women. In the first parliament held in 1973 the number of reserved seats were 15 which has been increased with time although the there is no change in the seats with direct voting. 

Christine NDAYISHIMIYE du Burundi

Après une longue guerre civile qui a duré plus de dix ans (1993_2000), les partenaires politiques de mon pays ont signé des accords de paix à Arusha en Tanzanie. Ce sont ces accords, ayant comme leitmotiv l'inclusivité de tous les barundi dans la vie politique, qui ont inspiré la constitution. Ainsi, la loi fondamentale prévoit que la femme doit être représentée à 30 % au moins dans toutes les institutions de la République dont l'Assemblée Nationale; Pour y arriver, les partis politiques rangent les femmes dans des positions utiles sur les listes électorales. Si après le vote , il se trouve que les femmes sont représentées avec un pourcentage inférieur à celui qui est prévu par La Constitution, le code électoral prévoit un mécanisme qui s'appelle cooptation qui permet d'atteindre le pourcentage exigé. Ce mécanisme permet ainsi de désigner des femmes qui feront partie de l'Assemblée Nationale sans avoir été élues. Mais ceci constitue une sorte de lacune dans la mesure où la femme cooptée se sent inférieure à celle qui a été élue. Un autre problème est que certains politiciens, poussés par le masochisme, placent en avant des femmes qui ne sont pas très cultivées pour qu'elles ne soient pas à la hauteur de leur tâches. Avec cette stratégie, on peut se retrouver avec effectivement 30% des femmes à l'Assemblée Nationale mais elles sont incapables de faire voter des lois qui tiennent compte de la dimension genre. Donc, non seulement il faut augmenter la participation des femmes à l'Assemblée Nationale mais il faut aussi tenir compte de leur compétence. Le nombre à lui seul ne peut pas permettre l'amélioration du sort de la femme.

In Rwanda 24 seats/80seats are reserved for women. Not only  that because the political party list may ensure that 30% are women. we have also 2 seats for youth and one should be a women. In 2008 rwandan parliament was at the first place with 56% of women. We have 5 constituencies. The Number of women that will be elected in every constituency is based on the population. For example Eastern Province have 6,Southern 6,Western 6,Northern 4, and Kigali City 2. The system used is FPTP.

This is yet to be included in the constitution of Nigeria. The president or governor uses his discretion to include as many women as possible in his cabinet when elected.

En Colombia se aprobó la Ley 581 del año 2000, llamada también “ley de cuotas”, con la cual se pretende  vincular a la mujer por lo menos en el 30%, a las actividades y desempeño de cargos de máximo nivel decisorio, como son:  los de mayor jerarquía en las entidades de las tres ramas y órganos del poder público, en los niveles nacional, departamental, regional, provincial, distrital y municipal.

A pesar de llevar mas de diez años de aprobación, según un informe elaborado por la Procuraduría General de la Nación de Colombia, de las 1.174 instituciones estatales, tan sólo 137 cumplían a cabalidad con la normativa. Para el Legislativo, incluso, ni siquiera se había podido implementar las conocidas cuotas.  No sorprende que en las elecciones pasadas al Congreso, de los 2.335 candidatos que aspiraban a una curul, sólo 551 fueran para las mujeres. Bueno esa era la propuesta pero todavía necesitaban de los votos necesarios para su elección.

This reply is posted on behalf of Ochana Patrick.

I can authoritatively say that Uganda is an example of a country that has adopted the practice of reserving constituencies for women. Others are Kenya, Ghana and Zambia, but my response is going to be based on experience from Uganda.

The criteria used for reserving seats for women are as follows:

Each district in the country is constitutionally required to have a woman representative in parliament irrespective of the number of constituencies in that district. For example, if there are 50 districts in the country, each of those districts will elect a woman representative to the national parliament.

Women are also allowed by the constitution to contest with men in the constituencies and some women have sailed through along that path, making their way to parliament.

The constitution also makes special provision for electing a representative of disabled or physically impaired women to parliament. Unlike the other methods above where women representatives are elected by universal adult suffrage, this one is elected by the disabled person only and they are elected one per region. In Uganda, there are four regions.

There is also provision in the constitution for electing one female youth from each of the four regions to represent the female youth in that region.

There is also provision for electing a workers representative in parliament where women also stand a chance to be elected. 

The January 2013 elections to the House of Representatives of the Parliament in Jordan saw, in my eyes, a smooth implementation of the provisions for women’s  representation.
According to the new electoral law from 2012, the 150 seats in the House were contested under a mixed electoral system with two components.
Individual candidates (affiliated with political parties or not) competed in 45 electoral districts under the Single Non Transferable Vote (SNTV) system. This means basically that each voter must select one candidate in his/her district and the most voted is elected. The number of seats allocated under SNTV is 123 nationwide, which implies that there are some small districts that send only one member of parliament (hence the race becomes an FPTP one), while in other districts two or more seats are at stake.
Within these 123 mandates there are quotas for ethnic minorities and 15 seats reserved for women. One is elected in each of the 12 governorates in the Kingdom and one in each of the three Badia districts (dedicated to the nomad population). In each governorate the election commission looked at the results of the female candidates in the districts of this governorate and determined who received the highest percentage of votes. A woman, however, may win a general, non-reserved seat if she is the most voted candidate (among men and women) in her electoral district and in this case her mandate is not counted against the guaranteed quota of 12+3. Indeed, two women became MPs in direct competition.
The new electoral law introduced for the first time in Jordan a national race under the proportional representation system. The whole Kingdom is considered one electoral district and 27 national seats were contested between lists of candidates submitted by political parties or other organized groups of individuals. There is no legal requirement for including women in the lists, but still two female candidates placed on top of their lists were elected within the PR component.
Having four women in the House on top of the 15 seats (10%) quota was considered a success by civil society and media. Also, detailed official reporting of results (from polling stations and as aggregated at district and national level) made it eventually sufficiently clear to the public how the quota for women was filled.
This was quite different from my experience from the Iraqi national elections in 2010 where an exceptionally complicated five-step process for allocating seats to women was applied. This was partly due to the common contradiction between open lists and gender quotas, but was also based on legal change. While earlier the constitutionally required proportion of 25 % female MPs had been  applied to each list of candidates, in 2010 the proportion was to be determined only for the Council of Representatives as a whole. I guess, few stakeholders were able to find out how exactly mandates were taken from “elected” male candidates and granted to “most voted” women.

... women leaders are asking for reserved seats or constituencies ?

I hesitated a bit to comment on this matter. It is sensitive and relates to an issue deep rooted in local -- read ethnic -- traditions. Before I propose my comments, I would stress my conviction of how crucial to humanity progress the inclusion of women is in all walks of life. Gender equality is a worthy goal genuinely pursued for many decades but not yet reached even in many of the most advanced democracies. Depending on countries, many gender-related strategies have been implemented with mixed success.  To this, I would add an interesting fact I observed during the registration process in Haiti in 2005. A period affected by serious safety concerns. During the first three months, the registry grew up to 70% men. It was only upon situation improvement during the last three months that the registry reached an approximate 50/50 balance.  This example, for me, highlighted the sensitivity of women-related issues in less than ideal conditions.

That being said, what drew my attention in the present question was the proposition to define, or create if you will, women-only constituencies.  A proposal also recently put forward by some feminist groups in Haiti. 

I will limit my comments to this issue which, in my opinion, violates several electoral principles and could eventually undermine the progress of women in the political arena rather than foster their advancement.

I submit that the proposition reserved constituencies violate several of the requirements of the Venice Commission, as outlined in its document titled Code of good Practice in Electoral Matters :  

a)    Equal voting rights :  electors would be denied a fair choice of candidates ;

b)    Equal voting power :   would be distorted by creating more favourable conditions for one group of candidates ;

c)     Equality of opportunity :  denying candidacy rights to male potential candidates in some constituencies ;

d)    Equality and parity of the sexes :  creating a disparity against one gender in trying to compensate existing disparities against the other.

In conclusion, it appears to me that reserved constituencies would not solve the major underlying gender issues that have prompted the “reserved constituencies” proposal.  To be sure, the electoral world is one of the venues where gender-related progress is needed and feasible, but in my opinion, the “reserved constituencies” proposal is not a proper way to achieve truly equal opportunities.

On another aspect, I would comment as follows :

… currently requires 50% women on party candidate lists…

This presents the clear risk of parties filling the ranks of candidates with whatever feminine candidates they will find. This is not meant as a demeaning comment, but a realization that, in spite of their intellectual abilities, women are definitely not afforded equal learning opportunities in many countries. This very fact limits their chances of reaching significant posts.

A 50% quota could, therefore, be a poison pill both from country’s political management as well as for the effective advancement of women being placed in unfair competing arena. I suggest that more effective ways do exist to promote women progress...

The dynamics of elections on gender and ethnicity  balances are reality in Burundi. Seats of women are not only reserved in Parliament but in all institutions. In Parliament, governement, local administration, all institions women must be at least 30%. To reach the goal, the electoral system combines mainly FPTP, PR at different levels of administration and the party list is made accordingly. Exemple, on the party list, 1/4 must be a woman. This is enshrined in the constitution, electoral and municipal laws. 

The UN WOMEN tried to encourage the political party leaders and independent candidates  to put the women in good position on the list by paying the caution fees for women candidates.

If the goal is not met, the EMB has the power to make cooptation to flll the gap. 

As outcome of elections, those quotas of women even more are in all institutions. Exemple, in Senate, we have 50% of women.  Now women are pleading to get parity in all institutions.

The debates are also focussed on the competence , the way candidates are put on the list and the power they have to defend the interests of the category of people in particular they represent in Parliament.

Whatever the problems or weaknesses are in the country and laws, it is very important to have women represented in all institutions, and go beyond the cultural or religious bariers. They are keys elements to bring peace and stabilize the country on all aspects. Even in our traditionnal tales we say  if i try to translate from Kirundi to english:Uwuhusha itunga ahusha umugore: "The person who misses fortune is the one who misses wife". To make it more clear, it means that if you chose a bad wife, be sure your will never get prosperous. What ever you get as fortune, will misused and you will remain always poor.

Therefore, if you miss women in the instituitons, be sure you will remain in troubles in your country. You can not be happy and prosperous if your mother, daughters, aunties are sffering from iinjustice and iscrimination under all forms.

Julius Bucumi

Inspector of Justice , Burundi

Au Burundi, selon l'article 164 de la constitution , l'assemblée nationale est composée d'un minimum de 30% de femmes, élues au suffrage universel direct. Au cas où les résultats du vote ne reflètent pas les pourcentages sus-visés, il est procédé au redressement des équilibres, au moyen du mécanisme de cooptation prévu par le code électoral; de même qu'au sénat.

Les élections des parlementaires se déroulent suivant le scruti, des listes bloquées à la représentation proportionnelle.Les femmes militantes des partis politiques se retrouvent sur ces listes.Mais, quant à la question de savoir qui mettre ou ne pas mettre sur la liste, c'est interne au parti politique.

Cela a fait que au niveau de l'Assemblée Nationale et du  Sénat actuellement les femmes sont représentées.Avant il y en avait très peu. Ce qu'il faudrait améliorer c'est la façon dont ces femmes sont choisies pour figurer sur ces listes.

En Ecuador, es uno de los primeros países en promover políticas y planes de igualdad en América Latina, tal es así que en el año 1997 en la Ley de Cuotas, la Constitución de 1998 y la reforma a la Ley de Cuotas en el año 2000 se establece el 30% con incrementio progresivo porcentual para hasta asegurar el 50% como cuota obliogatoria para asegurar la participación de la mujer  en los procesos electorales;  la elección de mujeres es aún reducida por diversos motivos , entre ellos la discriminación al interior de sus propios partidos al conformar las listas y el desconocimiento de ellas de los recursos para exigir su derecho de participación.

En la Constitución del 2008, se establece la igualdad y no discriminación como principio fundamental y la obligación del Estado de respetar y hacer respetar los derechos de las mujeres, así en su artículo 11, capìtulo quinto sobre “Derechos de Participación” se  establece el derecho de las mujres a participar en los procesos electorales y a ocupar cargos por designación.

La Ley Orgànica Electoral y de Organizaciones Políticas de la Repùblica del Ecuador, Código de la Democracia, así como la demás normativa vigente relacionada a los procesos electorales aseguran la participación de la mujer y en las elecciones pluripersonales es obligatoria su participación alternada y secuencial.

En las últimas elecciones  realizadas en febrero del 2013, el 39,41% de mujeres alcanzaron una curul en la Asamblea, siendo una mujer la que alcanzó la más alta votación.

En los cuerpos colegiados se respeta de la misma manera el derecho a la representaciíon de las mujeres y a manera de ejemplo citaremos el Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social, Consejo Nacional Electoral y Tribunal Contencioso Electoral .

I am glad to have come across this topic of discussion coming from a country that Successfully implemented the one third Gender rule in the Constitution of Kenya. I has since then worked although not without challenges.

The Constitution of Kenya under Article 27(6) as read together with Article 27(8) requires among other things that, the State takes legislative and other measures, including affirmative action programmes and policies designed to redress any disadvantages suffered by individuals or groups because of past discrimination.

Article 81(b) further provides that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies shall be of the same gender.

This is in an effort to ensure that women are given the chance to recover from the many years of oppression and discrimination that they have been put through in the past as a result of laws and policies that favoured men over women.

On the 4th March 2013 kenya conducted 6 elections in one day they included:

President
Governor
Senator
Member of the National Assembly
Women Representative
County Assembly Representative

As you can see woman representative was one of the voted in member. This slot was as a result of 47 reserved seats for women representation in addition to the 290 open slots for either gender.

Additionally there Electoral Commission through its nominations from the parties had to ensure that list of contestants presented to the Commission met the 2/3rd gender rule. this way the 290 open slots were covered in addition to the 47 elective women posts.

Challenge

1. Biggest challenges was that either gender could be men or women and during the drafting of the Constitution the drafters specifically provided for women. the Question that begs to be answered then is what if the number of women is more in leadership than that of men???do u redraft the constitution
2. Stereotype in most of the Communities would not vote for women. Some communities are still in cultural believe that women should sit and take care of children and the homes
3. We run a risk of campaigning tooo much for the women not knowing where to draw the line. In Kenya the population of women is more than that of men. This in my own opinion is a forecast problem

If you need any further communicatiion on the topic of discussion feel free to drop me an email on [email protected]. we could share materials too. All the best

George

Probably you can also find out about the new system which came into effect during the recently held Harmonised Elections in Zimbabwe through the Inspectorate Division of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. This system was introduced by the new Constitution and implemented during the 2013 Harmonised Elections of the 31 July where there was use of a mixture of Women's Lists, Proportional Representation through use of the Zebra List starting with a woman for the Senatorial seats as well as the  FPTP system where women also participated for the National assembly seats alongside men.

Pamela Mapondera

En las leyes electorales mexicanas se dispone que en el registro de candidaturas se integra "con al menos el cuarenta por ciento de candidatos propietarios de un mismo género". Esto equivale  a la la fuerza y  participación femenina no solo del 40% sino hasta  del 60%, en la hipótesis de que se empeñaran en ejercer sus derechos político-electorales, ante la mayor cantidad de mujeres sobre el género masculino, inscritas en el padrón electoral y en las listas nominales de electores, resultando evidente no la amenaza sino la proximidad del matriarcado no solo en México sino en todas partes del mundo.

Au Burundi le code électoral. Prevoit 30% de sièges reservés à la participation des femmes au parlement.

Pour arrivé à déterminer les noms des femmes qui doivent occuper ces sièges, il est demandé à chaque parti politique de ranger sur sa liste bloquée au moins une femme sur quatres candidats inscrit à la liste.

Après l'élection c'est la Commission électoral qui doit vérifier si les 30% sont accordé aux femmes. si cela n'est pas le cas, la même commission rassemble les partis concernés pour éffectuer une cooptation dans le but de corriger les déséquilibres constatés.

Cette méthode est très favorable parce qu'elle permet de faire participer toutes les tendances politiques y compli les femmes, à la gestion du des affaires de la nation.

Toutefois, je constate que le cota de 30% ne suffit pas pour les femmes qui représentent plus de la moitier de la population. Il revient à ces dirnière d'améliorer ce cota.

Au Burundi le code électoral. Prevoit 30% de sièges reservés à la participation des femmes au parlement.

Pour arrivé à déterminer les noms des femmes qui doivent occuper ces sièges, il est demandé à chaque parti politique de ranger sur sa liste bloquée au moins une femme sur quatres candidats inscrit à la liste.

Après l'élection c'est la Commission électoral qui doit vérifier si les 30% sont accordé aux femmes. si cela n'est pas le cas, la même commission rassemble les partis concernés pour éffectuer une cooptation dans le but de corriger les déséquilibres constatés.

Cette méthode est très favorable parce qu'elle permet de faire participer toutes les tendances politiques y compli les femmes, à la gestion du des affaires de la nation.

Toutefois, je constate que le cota de 30% ne suffit pas pour les femmes qui représentent plus de la moitier de la population. Il revient à ces dirnière d'améliorer ce cota.

The Constitution of Kenya sets out principles which the electoral system shall comply with. One of the principles is that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective bodies shall be of the same gender. It is against this backdrop that 47 special elective seats were created for women, to be contested by women only from each of the 47 counties. This means that there are 47 women directly elected to the National Assembly in addition to those elected in other elective positions.

Kenya has 290 constituencies from where 290 members of the national assembly are elected. It has 1450 County Assembly Wards (CAWs) for county assembly representatives to be elected, 47 counties  where one governor, senator and woman representative is elected from each. Apart from the special seats for women (women representatives in the 47 counties), all other positions including presidential  are contested by either gender. (Six different elections are held in one day in Kenya according to the constitution).

In addition, the Elections Act stipulates that political parties nominate additional candidates to the Elections body by presenting a party list which contain alternates between male and female candidates in the priority in which they are listed.

It is important to note that the implementation of this rule is gradual and women are encouraged to vie for all positions besides the special ones created for them.

Challenges:

1. It was noted that in some communities during the 2013 general elections, some men did not vote for the women representative position because it is against their culture to be ruled by women.  

2. Despite voter education, some politicians campaigned against women contestants of other positions implying that women had their special or "own" seats and therefore were not entitled to a share in any other position. This tilted the voting pattern for women who vied in the above positions.

3. It is not easy to achieve this gender rule overnight given the costs involved in creating special seats for women. An alternative in Kenya is or was to select some constituencies, CAWs or counties to elect women on rota basis. But this would be going against the will of the people to elect a leader of their choice. It would also be translated to " imposing leaders on the citizens".

Kwamboka Florence

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