The Question

This question is posted on behalf of a member of a regional organization in Tanzania who wishes to remain anonymous.

Dear Practitioners,

I am looking for information on court cases from around the world challenging the prohibition of independent candidates for Presidential, Parliamentary or local government elections, or challenging the requirement that these candidates must be members of and sponsored by a registered political party.

Summary of responses
Examples of legal challenges to the prohibition of independent candidates are given from Niger (1992), Mali (1996), Indonesia (2010), Tanzania (2011) and Burkina Faso (2012).

Such prohibitions are said to often be embedded in a country’s constitution and therefore can make them difficult to contest. In some cases where such prohibitions have been lifted, such as Bangladesh and Liberia, there exist certain preconditions that must be fulfilled by independent candidates before they may contest an election – preconditions that political party candidates either are not required to observe or are applied on a different scale. This difference in treatment is often justified on the grounds of needing to prove a certain level of support, or ensuring the candidates are serious in their intentions.

The role of election observation missions in influencing legislative changes to allow for independent candidates is also emphasised.

Examples of related ACE Articles and Resources
Encyclopaedia:
• Parties and Candidates 
• Overview of Parties and Candidates 
• Independent Candidates and PR Systems 

Consolidated Replies:
• Elected Member of Parliament not allowed to stay on as independent MP after leaving party: Examples?    

Comparative Data:
• Independent Candidates 

Names of contributors
1. Abdul Alim
2. Carl Dundas
3. Vincent De Herdt

In Bangladesh, the legal framework has been changed before the 9th parliamentary election held in late 2008. The new law made a provision that for being an independent candidate for the first time, the person has to submit a list of signatures of one percent electors of the concerned constituency. This provision was initiated to avoid dummy candidates who stand in the election and later declares withdrawn from the election by supporting to another candidate. This last minute withdrawn made a big hassle to Election Commission in managing election. 

But if the independent candidate has previously been elected in any parliamentary election, the list is not necessary.

This provision was challenged in the court, but justice was given in favour of the new provision. But the present commission is thinking to revise this provision as many applications have been submitted to commission on behalf of non-political people.   

I know of no successful legal challenge to the prohibition of independent candidates contesting national elections. This is probably because the prohibition clauses relating to independent candidates are frequently embedded in the constitution of the State concerned. This is the current position in Nigeria and it was the position in Kenya prior to the 2010 Constitution. In some countries, for example, Liberia, where the independent candidates have been allowed to contest elections, particularly presidential elections, the qualification to secure nomination, in addition to higher fees than those required from political party -sponsored candidates, the number of registered voters needed to subscribe to the nomination of a prospective independent candidate may be significantly more onerous than those applicable to a party-sponsored candiate. The reason often advanced for the difference is that prospective independent presidential candidate may be relatively unknown nationally and a high number of subscribers to the nomination may go some way to establish that the prospective candidate may have some support. Another reason of course is to keep frivalous candidates from making light of the highest public office in the country.

A ma connaissance, la prohibition des candidatures indépendantes par les législations électorales nationales a été mise en cause par la voie judiciaire au Niger (avis rendu par la Cour suprême du Niger le 24 septembre 1992 en faveur de l’admission des candidatures indépendantes), au Mali (arrêt de la Cour constitutionnelle du Mali n°96-003 du 25 octobre 1996 qui rejette le monopole des partis dans la présentation des candidatures), en Indonésie (décision de la Cour constitutionnelle en date du 30 décembre 2010 autorisant les candidatures indépendantes à Aceh), en Tanzanie (deux requêtes introduites en juin 2011 devant la Cour africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples) et au Burkina Faso (diverses initiatives en cours dans la perspective des élections du 2 décembre 2012). Cet aperçu montre la permanence de cette question sur une période de vingt années.

Cette question me semble importante par les principes démocratiques qu’elle met en cause. Elle est insuffisamment traitée par les analystes, mais reste d’une grande actualité. La situation est contrastée. Certains pays qui prohibaient les candidatures indépendantes ont revu leur position (Niger, Mali, Kenya). D’autres pays font le chemin inverse (Mauritanie en 2012). Cette question fera encore probablement l’objet de débats politiques et de controverses juridiques au cours des prochaines années, les partis politiques résistant pour maintenir leur monopole électoral, la société civile agissant pour élargir la participation démocratique (comme en Tanzanie et au Burkina Faso actuellement). Si le principe général de l’admission des candidatures indépendantes semble devoir prévaloir, les conditions particulières imposées à de telles candidatures doivent cependant être discutées et aménagées dans les lois électorales de chaque pays.

Il convient également de relever le rôle joué en la matière par les missions d’observation électorale qui apprécient la conformité des législations nationales aux standards internationaux et peuvent à travers leurs recommandations inciter à réformer ces législations nationales. Des recommandations en faveur de l’admission des candidatures indépendantes ont ainsi été exprimées par les missions d’observation électorale de l’Union européenne au Mexique (2006), au Nicaragua (2006), en Sierra Leone (2007), au Kenya (2007), au Cambodge (2008), au Salvador (2009), en Equateur (2009), en Tanzanie (2010), au Nigeria (2007 et 2011). EISA a formulé une recommandation dans le même sens concernant la Guinée (2010).