ACE Updates October 2019
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For over 20 years, the ACE Electoral Knowledge Network has been the world’s largest online source of electoral knowledge. To commemorate its many successes over the years, ACE launched a structural and visual revamp of its website and an Anniversary Timeline, highlighting key achievements since 1998. Reaching more than 2.5 million visits per year, the ACE website provides more than 10,000 pages of knowledge resources in English, Arabic, French, and Spanish. ACE promotes credible and transparent electoral processes with an emphasis on trust, sustainability, and profession-alism in the electoral process. This edition of the ACE Newsletter highlights a new ACE Encyclopedia Topic, Election Observation. The Newsletter also highlights:
Thank you for reading October’s newsletter and for your involvement with ACE. We look forward to your contributions to the Network! Sincerely, The ACE Electoral Knowledge Network Revised Encyclopedia Topic - Election ObservationElection observers serve as impartial watchdogs who can assess whether the results of an election truly reflect the will of the people. International and citizen election observation are activities that have emerged over the last few decades in an effort to promote transitions to democratic forms of governance. This article is excerpted from the newly revised ACE Topic Area on Electoral Observation.
On September 17, 2019, Tunisia held its second direct vote for the office of the President since adopting a constitution in 2014. Despite the condensed time frame for the election, due to the sudden death of the previous President Beji Caïd Essebsi in July, international election observers reported that the election was carried out successfully.1 Such information shapes the perceptions of key domestic and international stakeholders and could assuage concerns about the credibility of an election process. Election observation is fundamentally an exercise in support of democracy and has become a necessary component of electoral processes, as the new ACE Topic Area on Election Observation illuminates. While elections alone do not guarantee democratic governance, they provide the basic conditions for democracies to thrive by resolving political competition peacefully and providing legitimacy for political leaders. Elections can foster these positive outcomes when they reflect the popular will. Nonpartisan election observers work as impartial and independent watchdogs to assess the credibility of election processes and the extent to which an election reflects the will of the people. In most cases, this consists of assessing the different stages of the election cycle, including the pre-election day preparations, election day processes, and post-election day events. There are two kinds of election observers, namely international election observation and domestic or citizen election observation. The role of international election observers is to gather data, analyze it, and provide an assessment of an electoral process. Based on that assessment, electoral observation bodies provide recommendations for improving the integrity and effectiveness of future elections in order for the election-holding country to bring the electoral process into better alignment with their international commitments. According to the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation (DOP), international observers must be “free from any political, economic, or other conflicts of interest,” that would influence their ability to conduct an assessment impartially. The impartiality of the assessment is extremely critical, and as a result, citizens are precluded from participating in observation missions in their own country. The need to avoid conflicts of interest also rules out the possibility of an observation mission accepting funds or support from a host government and requires transparency regarding sources of funding.2 Further, international observation aims to enhance international understanding of elections and their context by making key electoral data and mission reports publicly available. Despite the positive effects of international election observation, not all of the more than 100 national elections that take place worldwide each year are ripe for international observation.3 Observation organizations must invest resources where they are most valuable -- usually not in established democracies or clearly authoritarian contexts -- and weigh practical concerns such as availability of funding and the security of those they deploy. Domestic observation is done by citizens of a country holding an election as part of their participation in public affairs “to ensure electoral integrity and promote accountability in government and among political contestants.”4 In addition to demonstrating support for elections that meet international standards, international election observation amplifies the efforts of civil society and citizen observer organizations within a country and can lend international credibility to their findings. In fact, international election observation can be done in conjunction with citizen observation, which is carried out by domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or civil society organizations (CSOs). The Declaration of Global Principles for Non-Partisan Election Observation and Monitoring by Citizen Organizations (DOGP), paralleling the Declaration of Principles for international Observation, forms the framework for citizen observers around the globe.5 These Principles and accompanying Code of Conduct were created by consensus among the members of the Global Network of Domestic Election Observers (GNDEM), with guidance from the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the UN Electoral Assistance Division (UN EAD) in 2012. The DOGP has more than 250 endorsers, or signatory organizations, in over 85 countries and territories.6 The right of citizens to observe their own electoral processes derives from the fundamental right to participation enshrined in Article 21 of UDHR and Article 25 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). To date, citizen observation has taken place in over 100 countries and has included over four million citizens.7 According to the Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security, citizen observation can ultimately result in increased public stakeholder knowledge of electoral rights, rules, and procedures particularly for women, new voter participation, or the participation of traditionally marginalized groups.8 Moreover, citizen observation, much like international observation, can promote greater transparency in electoral processes. [1] “Despite Compressed Election Period, Carter Center Reports Organized, Effective Presidential Election in Tunisia,” The Carter Center, accessed September 24, 2019 https://www.cartercenter.org/news/pr/2019/tunisia-091719.html. 2 U.N., Declaration of Principles, para. 4. 3 “IFES Election Guide,” IFES, accessed September 30, 20149, http://www.electionguide.org. 4 GNDEM, p 1, accessed October 9, 2019. https://gndem.org/members/. 5 Declaration of Global Principles for Non-Partisan Observation and Monitoring of Elections by Citizen Organizations, GNDEM, 201 6 GNDEM accessed October 9, 2019. https://gndem.org/members/. 7 “Global Network of Domestic Election Monitors,” NDI, accessed October 1, 2019, www.ndi.org/global-network-domestic-election-monitors. 8 “Deepening Democracy: A Strategy for Improving the Integrity of Elections Worldwide,” Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security, September 2012, https://www.kofiannanfoundation.org/electoral-integrity/deepening-democracy-summary/.
Practitioners' Network Updates
Recent Consolidated Questions
Changes in vote counting locations Several practitioners shared the vote tabulation routines of Guyana, Ecuador, Colombia, Cote d’Ivoire, Zambia and Kenya separately, contributing as applicable the rationales surrounding these countries’ practices. The summary of these respective national practices suggests a common thread: the safeguarding of election confidence and legitimacy corresponds with at least an initial voting review at the community level.
Voter register accuracy and completeness For country to country comparisons, the ICTs in Elections Database linked below may be helpful, as well as the “Introducing Biometric Technology in Elections” publication, which includes case studies from Bangladesh, Fiji, Mongolia, Nigeria, Uganda, and Zambia. You may also want to consult previous consolidated replies on how public electoral registers are handled by EMBs.
Plurality systems where a majority coalition can’t override the election leader There was a limited discussion on this question regarding examples and data of countries with plurality systems where a majority coalition cannot override the plurality leader after the election. Guyana was presented as an example where post-election coalitions are not allowed, and the example of the 2015 election was given, demonstrating the successful attempt where two parties formed a pre-election coalition, resulting in a majority and replacing the previous plurality leader. The same contributor made the valid point that the party in power may not have control to approve projects and programs as a result of a minority in parliament.
ACE Encyclopaedia: The Latest UpdatesRecent Publications by ACE Partners and Members of the Practitioners' Network
South Africa’s 2019 national and provincial elections were remarkable for a number of reasons. The incumbent ruling African National Congress entered the 2019 elections having jettisoned the former State President Mr. Jacob Zuma 18 months prior after his popularity ratings (and those of the ANC) fell to the lowest levels seen during the democratic era. The party’s performance was further burdened by lurid details of grand corruption scandals throughout state institutions, and internal divisions within the party further undermined its capacity to engage voters. However, opposition parties experienced their own internal divisions, notably the official opposition the Democratic Alliance (DA) committing protracted self-harm in dealing with its own internal disputes. A record 48 political parties registered to contest the 2019 elections, and yet despite the widest choice every offered to voters, both voter registration and election day turnout figures disappointed targets set by the Independent Electoral Commission. Although the ANC was returned to the 6th Parliament with its ruling majority intact, voter assessment of political parties was generally negative with several major parties shedding support. Bucking this trend, the Economic Freedom Fighters, a splinter party of the ANC, grew at the expense of the other parties, most notably the ANC, while the Freedom Front+ enjoyed modest gains at the expense of the DA. The EISA Election Series covered the events of the 2019 elections on a weekly basis for 5 weeks prior and 2 weeks post-election and are collated here as a record of the key developments as they unfolded. The Election Series was produced by a team of young South Africans and this volume is a record of how they viewed the 2019 polls.
EISA Post-Election Review Report – South African 2019 national and provincial elections (EISA)
The results of South Africa’s 6th national and provincial elections indicated shifts in voting patterns without fundamentally rejecting the status quo. The two largest parties shed votes to smaller parties, while the major winner in the 2019 elections, the Economic Freedom Fighters doubled it support to 12% of the national ballot. In total 48 parties, more than any other election in South African history contested the 2019 elections, but despite this, voter turnout fell to its lowest level since 1994. Only 25 years after liberation movements won the right for South Africans of all races to vote, the majority of the voting age population opted not to bother. In particular, young voters failed to turn up at the polls in a rejection of the status quo for a generation struggling with chronic youth unemployment and declining socio-economic conditions. The EISA Post-Election Report summarizes the major observations by some of the leading academics, legal practitioners and institutional leaders in reviewing the 2019 national and provincial elections. The results suggest that many political parties, regardless of ideology, moved towards the right of the political spectrum in a crude attempt to grab easy votes in an increasingly competitive environment and weak economic growth prospects, and that this tactic was largely unsuccessful. The 2019 elections did not reject the ruling party and its agenda outright, but voters put all parties on notice that no party, no matter how big or small, can take its voters for granted. The report can be viewed here.
The Journal of African Elections (EISA)
The Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) publishes the Journal of African Elections (JAE) is the only internationally accredited journal that is devoted entirely to African elections. It is published twice (June and October) a year and is distributed in Africa and beyond and is available in both print and electronic format. Founded in 2002 and run by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA), the JAE seeks to engage scholars and practitioners in the field of elections in Africa. The JAE publishes special issues in some years. Such editions take an in-depth look at specific topics. For example, special issue 13(1) was titled ‘Understanding the Causes and Consequences of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions in Africa’. The 11(2) special issue focused on ‘Women and Local Government Elections’, and issue 12(3) examined ‘The Evolving Role of Elections in Africa’. Copies of the JAE are available on EISA’s website. Contributions are welcome.
Reviewing the 2019 South African National and Provincial Elections: Can the Centre hold? (EISA)
This report, produced by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa, reviews the 2019 South African elections with a specific focus on the notion of the “hollowing out” of democracy and how this has affected South Africa’s democratic system. A poor economic situation along with systemic corruption and global uncertainty have indeed undermined the principles, institutions, and practices that undergird South Africa’s democracy, and the result is that citizens view the most recent elections as symbolic rather than true democracy. EISA’s post-election review conference, held in Johannesburg July 8 -8 explored these issues and included electoral officials, researchers., representatives of civil society organizations, and intellectuals who all focus on electoral issues. This report results from discourse in that conference that centered around a draft discussion document produced from electoral reports compiled by EISA.
This report, compiled from April 3 to May 22, analyzes the entirety of the 2019 South African election process. The ultimate purpose of the updates was to provide a multifaceted and detailed analysis of the 2019 national and provincial elections, with a focus on the framework of the election process in the context of electoral institutional practice. The report begins in the pre-election phase and analyze the then-approaching 2019 elections in the context of the 2014 elections. The report also analyzes the pre-election environment, focusing on political parties, social issues, and the electoral commission of South Africa. Finally, the report covers election day itself, and includes a summary of post-election day events. This report is the basis and complimentary document to the “Reviewing the 2019 South African National and Provincial Elections: Can the Centre hold?”
This report discusses the field of electoral assistance from the perspective of developments since the most recent United Nations report in 2017. The document particularly addresses U.N. partners in electoral assistance, continuing coordination between those partners, and different efforts to strengthen those relationships in order to improve U.N. programs. The inclusivity of elections is analyzed as well, highlighting how certain groups, such as women, experience specific barriers to participation in elections. Although the representation of women in legislatures worldwide continues to grow, overall there is still much to be done to improve that women’s full participation. Technological advancements, and the way in which they influence the electoral process, is another topic covered in this report, and the importance of addressing disinformation is explained. See the report here.
Violence Against Women in Elections Online: A Social Media Analysis Tool
Social media has transformed politics, opening space for dialogue and creating new pathways for citizen involvement and education. Political engagement has also been plagued by the misuse and abuse of new information communication technologies (ICTs). ICTs have created new vehicles for violence against women in elections (VAWIE), which are compounded by the anonymity and scale that online media platforms provide. We need to understand the scope, shape and impact of this new form of violence in order to prevent and end it. A new tool from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and National Democratic Institute (NDI) offers an adaptable method to measure the gendered aspects and understand the drivers of this violence. The VAWIE-Online Social Media Analysis Tool can be used by actors from across a range of professions who are concerned by hateful and violent speech online and are motivated to end it.
Social Media, Disinformation and Electoral Integrity
In recent years, the prevalence of disinformation, particularly through social media, and its threat to the integrity of elections have become an issue of global concern. While this space is rapidly changing and developing, a better definition of problems and terms, and a deeper understanding of the challenge that social media disinformation poses to electoral integrity are needed. A new International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) working paper on Social Media, Disinformation and Electoral Integrity examines this challenge and seeks to answer important questions. Is social media fundamentally different from traditional media and in what way? Does the state have a role in regulating this sector, and if so, what level of regulation is appropriate to ensure respect for fundamental freedoms? How can citizens be better informed to ensure that they are making choices based on accurate information and facts, rather than disinformation, hate speech and other types of divisive influence campaigns as there is a conceptual link between these two different but often interrelated phenomena of disinformation and hate speech?
On March 20, Saba, a special municipality in the Caribbean Netherlands, held elections for Island Council and the Netherlands Senate Electoral College. The International Foundation for Electoral Systems Director of Research and Technical Leadership Erica Shein and Senior Legal Advisor Katherine Ellena traveled to Saba to conduct a targeted electoral observation and technical assessment on behalf of the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations of the Netherlands. Saba 2019 Island Council and Senate Electoral College Elections: Technical Observation and Assessment offers a general overview of key features of the electoral process. The report’s conclusions and recommendations are based on a detailed desk study of the legal framework for elections, election results and secondary information sources; interviews with a range of stakeholders and interlocutors; and an observation of Election Day and the preliminary results announcement.
Disinformation Campaigns and Hate Speech: Exploring the Relationship and Programming Interventions
In a new brief, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) outlines how the latest generation of technology-fueled disinformation campaigns is amplifying the scourge of hate speech and offers a framework for democracy and governance practitioners to consider when designing interventions to effectively counter these dual threats.
New Assessment on Violence Against Women in Elections in Afghanistan
On October 20, 2018, Afghanistan held its long-delayed national parliamentary (Wolesi Jirga) elections. Overall, the election demonstrated how combined factors of insecurity and political instability, widespread impunity for and high rates of violence against women, and negative perceptions about women’s rights have gender-specific effects on Afghan women’s full and equal electoral participation. As Afghanistan prepares for a presidential election in September 2019, strategic efforts are urgently needed to better ensure that women’s rights to participate as electoral and political decision-makers are safeguarded and bolstered. Recognizing this need, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) worked with the Afghan Women’s Network to conduct a field-based violence against women in elections (VAWE) assessment that uncovers the specific ways that Afghan women experienced violence throughout the 2018 parliamentary elections, as well as mitigation strategies needed to reduce and prevent electoral violence against women. Carried out with support from Global Affairs Canada, the assessment includes data from in-person focus groups, individual interviews and informational surveys that, taken together, reached electoral stakeholders across all of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces.
New Assessment on Violence Against Women in Elections in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville
Violence against women in politics is a substantial threat to the integrity of the electoral process, affecting women’s participation as voters, candidates, election officials, activists and political party leaders and undermining free, fair and inclusive democratic processes. While women in Bougainville, an autonomous region within Papua New Guinea (PNG), have greater access to politics and decision-making than their counterparts in other parts of PNG, they still face significant challenges as they seek to participate in the electoral process. A new report from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) assesses violence against women in elections (VAWE) in Bougainville following the 2015 Autonomous Bougainville Government elections and 2017 PNG national elections, drawing on fieldwork, research and IFES’ experiences operating in Bougainville
Internally Displaced Persons’ Electoral Participation Gap
Sustainable Development Goal 16 is concerned with peaceful and inclusive societies, access to justice for all, and effective and accountable institutions. Yet, this is a distant reality for many internally displaced persons (IDPs), some of whom lack access to their most basic of democratic entitlements. IDPs’ electoral participation is crucial for preventing marginalization, promoting reconciliation, and for making governments more responsive and accountable, including in respect to solutions for IDPs. Securing IDPs’ electoral rights in their area of origin or in their current location is a key component of a durable IDP settlement solution. This article explores the international standards for IDP electoral participation, and the multiple operational challenges involved. It looks in detail at the case study of Ukraine, where despite extensive advocacy efforts, IDPs still do not have the right to vote either in local elections or for half of the members of parliament. The study examines the current legal, practical and political barriers to IDP electoral participation in Ukraine, and reviews how the persistence of the Soviet-era residence registration system is a major obstacle for inclusive elections. The study critically analyses arguments against granting IDPs full franchise in Ukraine and explains a draft law that addresses public concerns about the integrity of the IDP vote. If adopted, this draft law will remove some of the existing barriers to electoral participation faced by IDPs, as well as internal migrants and other transient citizens, all of whom are negatively affected by the current permission-based residence registration system in Ukraine.
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