EMBs often conduct gender
assessments or mapping exercises to identify unequal opportunities for men and
women in the electoral process. These gender-based analyses can be conducted at
different stages of the electoral process, and can help EMBs articulate their
positions on gender equality and develop gender internal policies.[1]
The post-electoral period
offers EMBs a window of opportunity to reflect on the election process, analyze
strengths and vulnerabilities of their internal gender equality policies and
collect lessons learned. The impact of elections on men and women, as well as
their respective levels of participation, is often analyzed through
post-election evaluation exercises conducted by EMBs. Some of the aspects that
can be considered in post-electoral evaluations include the proportion of women
among newly elected authorities, candidates, electoral staff and polling
officers, as well as sex-disaggregated turnout rates. Also, post-electoral
legislative reviews can help assess barriers to women’s participation within
the law, identify areas of improvement in the domestic legal framework and make
recommendations for legal reform to foster women’s participation.[2]
Example: In Sierra Leone, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and
UNDP conducted a gender assessment following the March 2018 presidential, parliamentary
and local elections. This assessment examined women’s electoral participation
as voters, candidates, political party members, electoral administrators and
observers. The report contained recommendations to increase women’s
participation, which were addressed to the government, the National Electoral
Commission, the Political Parties Registration Commission, the police and
international partners.[3]
Example: The Election Commission of Nepal (ECN) carried out a gender
mapping in the field of elections in 2010, with support from UNDP and IFES.
This mapping analyzed the legal and institutional framework, identifying
obstacles to women’s electoral participation and their working conditions
within the ECN. The mapping methodology was based on interviews and group
discussions with a wide range of electoral stakeholders. The Commission
committed to follow the recommendations of the study, including establishing
gender focal points, implementing capacity-building programs for staff,
adopting a
gender policy in 2013 and an Action Plan for its implementation. In
2014,
it also created a Gender Unit.[4]
Example: Through its 2011 strategic plan, the Moldovan Central
Electoral Commission (CEC) committed to mainstream gender equality throughout
its work. A reference group was created to supervise a gender audit of the
electoral process, comprised of Commission members, staff, civil society and
UNDP partners. The audit made recommendations to promote gender equality
through CEC policies and procedures and legal reform.[5]
Example: The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) conducted a gender
audit of the electoral process in 2015, with support from UN Women. Its
findings informed the development of a Gender Strategy in 2016.[6]
Example: In Pakistan, the Electoral Commission conducted a
post-election review in 2013 that led to concrete recommendations for
legislative reforms to the complaint and dispute management system related to
the disenfranchisement of women voters.[7]
Example: In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a post-election analysis is made
after every election that includes a gender equality perspective, including
statistics on the number of women candidates, elected candidates and voter
turnout.[8]
Example: In Canada, various post-election reports include a gender
equality perspective related to voter turnout rates, reasons for not voting and
women’s participation as candidates.[9]
Example: In Afghanistan, the 2010 post-election review conducted by
the Independent Election Commission (IEC) identified at least three areas for
potential legislative change to enhance women’s representation, including
tightening the language that provides for the gender quota; reconsidering the
regulations which require public servants to resign before they nominate as a
candidate for election; and making some allowances for women candidates in
accepting in-kind support from international donors for campaign expenses.[10]
[1] UNDP and UN Women (2016): op. cit., p. 17.
[2] UNDP and UN Women (2016): op. cit., p. 17.
[3] O’Reilly, Christiana;
Flanigan, Annetta and Sullivan, Kate (2018): “Women, use your power: a gender
assessment of Sierra Leone’s elections”, National Electoral Commission of
Sierra Leone and UNDP.
[4] UNDP and UN Women
(2016): op. cit., p. 17.
[5] UNDP and UN Women
(2016): op. cit., p. 18.
[6] Information submitted by
UNDP’s electoral assistance Project in Malawi in July 2018.
[7] UNDP and UN Women (2016): op. cit., p. 18.
[8] Bosnia and Herzegovina Central Election Commission, response
provided to the UNDP “Survey on Gender
Mainstreaming in Electoral Management Bodies.”
[9] UNDP and UN Women (2016): op. cit., p. 19.
[10] UNDP and UN Women (2016): op. cit., p. 20.
