Across the globe,
electoral management policies and procedures address VAWE in different ways.
EMBs can consider a wide range of entry points to tackle VAWE throughout the
electoral cycle. Conducting risk assessments and mapping of VAWE, as well as
integrating this dimension into general security assessments, can help EMBs
identify hotspot areas and design effective monitoring and mitigation
strategies. During voter and candidate registration processes, EMBs can adopt
measures to ensure the security of women, such as keeping voters’ names and
identifying characteristics unpublished (anonymous registration) and adjusting
location, opening hours and security protocol of candidate registration
offices. During the electoral campaign, EMBs can also fight VAWE by referring
VAWE cases to competent authorities, launching civic and voter education
programs and raising awareness among electoral staff. Integrating the issue of
VAWE into training programs and outreach activities can contribute to raise
public awareness on the importance of this subject for women’s rights. When
required, EMBs can adopt gender-sensitive security measures during Election
Day, such as separate lines for men and women in polling stations, recruitment
of sufficient female polling staff and placement of polling stations to
minimize travel time through hotspots. The police and other security forces can
also take steps to address VAWE, especially during the electoral period, by
assessing gender specific security risks in operational planning for electoral
security, recruiting more women among their staff and referring VAWE cases to
gender focal points or gender desks. In the post-election period, when their
mandate allows it, EMBs may launch investigations, sanction VAWE perpetrators,
and provide evidence in court cases.[1]
Example: In Tanzania, the Democratic Empowerment Project (DEP),
implemented jointly by UNDP, UN Women, UNESCO, the National Electoral
Commission (NEC) and the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC), aimed to fight
discrimination and VAW against persons with disabilities in the 2015 elections.
The project allowed for the review of the Electoral Code of Conduct, the
development of gender-sensitive guidelines both for election observation and
voter education, as well as the adoption of a Gender and Social Inclusion
Policy by the ZEC. This initiative also supported police training by developing
a training manual on gender, human rights and the role of the police during
elections, which addressed how different types of violence that may occur
during election campaigns affect men and women. A total of 103 police officers
received training for trainers, and, in turn, they trained around 6,000 other
police officers around the country. The Tanzania Police Force (TPF) integrated
VAW into its Incidence Reporting and Response System (IRRS), an IT tool that
facilitates rapid response to electoral violence, based on VAWE typology and
checklists developed in collaboration with the Network of Female Police
Officers.[2]
Example: In Macedonia, the State Election Commission implemented a
program to mitigate the practice of family voting. As part of this program, the
Commission issued a directive to all staff on the prevention of family voting
and published a strategy against family and proxy voting that allowed
coordinating efforts of government and donors in this area.[3]
Example: In Kenya, UN Women developed a draft training facilitator
manual in 2017, with UNDP support, to strengthen the capacities of duty bearers
to support survivors of VAWE using existing protocol and measures for
reporting, responding, investigating and prosecuting VAW. This manual was
created as a response to post-election violence experienced by women and girls in
the 2007 electoral process, and as part of broader initiatives to fight VAWE in
the country. With a survivor-centered approach, the manual covers issues such
as how to provide direct support to those affected by VAWE. It also provides
information about Kenya’s relevant legal framework and health, security and
justice sector responses to cases of VAWE.[4]
Example: In Burundi, in 2014, the Independent National Electoral
Commission (CENI) disaggregated statistics from past elections to better
understand VAWE in the country and to plan for prevention strategies in the
forthcoming 2015 elections.[5]
Example: In Papua New Guinea, the Electoral Commission found that
women were subject to coercion by family and community voting practices, where
the male head of household or the community leader would instruct them how to
vote, compromising voter secrecy. As a response, the Commission instituted
separate voting booths for men and women, under the assumption that women would
vote freely if their male counterparts were not present.[6]
[1] UNDP and UN Women
(2017): op. cit., p. 85-93.
[2] UNDP and UN Women
(2017): op. cit., p. 87 and 92.
[3] UNDP and UN Women
(2017): op. cit., p. 90.
[4] UNDP
and UN Women (2017): op. cit., p. 92.
[5] UNDP and UN Women
(2017): op. cit., p. 88.
[6] UNDP and UN Women (2017):
op. cit., p. 90.
