EMB Stakeholder Relationships

An EMB neither operates in a vacuum nor is it an island unto itself. There is a myriad of stakeholders, constituents, or ‘publics’ whose legitimate concerns and interests the EMB should strive to accommodate and keep on board when deciding policies and practices. Unless the EMB works hard to create and sustain sound relations with those stakeholders, misunderstandings and suspicions will arise, and this will ultimately generate lack of public confidence and trust in the electoral process in general and in the EMB in particular.

Although stakeholder management is critical to the success of the EMB, this subject is rarely taught, learned, or understood in EMB circles.

Like in the business world where companies are required to invest in customer satisfaction in order to attract more customers and thereby enhance their profitability, the EMB should, as they say in business parlance, ‘know its audience’ so that its services and goods are tailored and responsive to the requirements of its customers (stakeholders). This helps to develop customer confidence in the EMB and also generates support and goodwill towards EMB policies and practices which in turn enhances the EMB credibility.

Put differently, there is a correlation between stakeholder support and loyalty and the EMB credibility: the lesser the stakeholders’ support and loyalty towards the EMB, the lesser the EMB’s credibility. For example, an EMB may organise an election which, technically speaking, may be clean and flawless, but if stakeholders are not involved and kept in the loop about the process, their suspicion and distrust may lead to a rejection of the election outcome. Against this background, it is important that the EMB foster transparency and a participative approach which involves stakeholders in the way it administers the whole electoral process.

Who are the Stakeholders and What Is Their Role In the Electoral Process?

The term ‘stakeholder’ refers to those individuals and groups who depend on the organisation to fulfil their own goals and on whom, in turn, the organisation depends on for legitimacy. (University of Auckland, 2005). Such individuals and groups may have a multitude of interests, expectations, and demands as to what a particular organisation must provide to society. In short, stakeholders are those who affect and are affected by the actions of an organisation.

In the context of the EMB, stakeholders are those individuals and groups that have an interest or stake in the EMB operations. The word ‘stake’ here means a risk or a benefit which arises from the EMB actions. For example, because of the stake (loosing or winning) which political parties have in an election, they will insist that the EMB manage the polls in an impartial manner. Since political parties possess a stake in EMB activities, such as the way it runs elections, they are EMB stakeholders. Primary EMB stakeholders are those who directly affect or are directly affected by the EMB’s activities, policies, and practices. The following can be considered to be an EMB’s core stakeholders:

• political parties and candidates;
• EMB staff;
• government ministries;
• legislatures;
• electoral dispute resolution bodies;
• domestic and international election observers;
• media;
• voters and prospective voters;
• civil society; and
• the donor community and electoral assistance agencies
  
  

Secondary stakeholders of the EMB are those who, although part of the environment in which the EMB operates, are more loosely connected with the EMB, such as EMB suppliers, the public at large, and international networks.

Political Parties and Candidates as EMB Stakeholders

Political parties are key stakeholders whose concerns and interests the EMB needs to take on board when designing and implementing its policies and activities. Unless the EMB enjoys a good relationship with political parties, its policies and programs may attract opposition and criticism that could make it difficult for the EMB to enjoy widespread stakeholder support. Where political party nominees are appointed as full members of an EMB, such as in Georgia, or as non-voting members, such as in Mexico, there is a permanent structure for EMB dialogue with political parties.

It is in the interests of an EMB both to maintain an open-door policy to political parties and candidates and to treat all political parties and candidates equally – no matter whether in power or not, or in the legislature or not - with respect, impartiality, and fairness. Political parties and candidates are much more likely to have confidence in an EMB that treats them in this manner, and that seriously considers their opinion and suggestions. Regular meetings with political parties – at least one per month and perhaps more frequently during an election period – can provide a framework for this mutual communication.

A common expression in Southern Africa is that an EMB should not ‘comrade’ the ruling party and ‘puppet’ the opposition. The principle of fairness and equality means that the EMB should not give ‘the best’ to the ruling party and the ‘leftovers’ to the minority parties: for example, giving the ruling parties original copies of the voters register and the opposition parties photocopies; or delivering materials to the ruling parties while requiring opposition parties to find out about and collect the materials themselves. The EMB’s self interest, as well as its principles, is relevant: today’s opposition may well be tomorrow’s ruling party.

When the EMB consults political parties on any significant issue, it is important that all political parties believe that they are being treated equally, and offered the same opportunities and information by the EMB. All political parties need to be similarly consulted. Meetings to which not all political parties are invited can induce in those not present fears that favourable deals may have been struck between the EMB and a particular political party or parties. Minutes of the EMBs meetings with political parties need to be circulated to all political parties – whether present or not - at the same time and through the same method. It is also preferable that an EMB meet all the political parties at the same time to discuss EMB decisions or policies, not separately.

As well as regular EMB/political party meetings, the EMB may be able to improve its relationships with political parties by very carefully including their representatives in EMB sponsored events. Examples of potential joint activities are familiarisation visits to voter registration facilities, participation in voter education workshops, media interviews - including appeals for citizens to register and vote, or the EMB sponsoring public debates between candidates. Such public relations may assist cooperation between the EMB and political parties and candidates, and enhance stakeholder ownership of the key election projects.

While the EMB can improve cooperation with political parties and candidates by including them in EMB sponsored events, the EMB should be extremely careful to extend exactly equal opportunity for participation to all political parties and candidates, or it will be justifiably accused of favouring particular political interests. This will have a negative impact on the EMB’s stakeholder relationships.

It is important that political parties be involved in consultations about setting the EMB's strategic objectives and in evaluations of its performance. As a key EMB customer, political parties’ and candidates’ opinions on the EMB’s focus, priorities, and service provided are a useful ingredient in improving electoral management. During election periods, regular consultation with political parties and candidates can promote agreement on the EMB’s timetables, processes, and outputs. After each election, it is useful for the EMB to include political parties in general consultations with stakeholders on how to improve the electoral framework, to consider in any proposals the EMB may make for electoral reform. For example, the Botswana EMB always convenes post-election evaluation workshops which are attended by political parties and civil society.

Executives from major political parties can bring a different perspective to these consultations than their representatives in the legislature. Non-parliamentary parties, including newly registered parties and those which failed to win seats in the previous election, need also to be included in these consultations. In managing this consultative process, the EMB needs to be very careful that it is not, and is not seen to be, under the influence of any political party or groups of parties.

The EMB’s Staff

An organisation’s greatest asset is its human resources: the EMB’s permanent and temporary staff, and those hired on contract. Unless the EMB safeguards the interests of its staff and responds to their concerns, the EMB may well fail to deliver successful elections. A staff that is not loyal to the EMB and its principles may frustrate the EMB’s plans and programs. They may be corrupted either by suppliers who want to win a tender or by politicians who want to win an election. Unhappy staff may strike even during elections and thus derail the electoral process. It is in this context that the EMB staff are key stakeholders who can make or break the EMB’s operations and reputation.

The EMB cannot assume that its staff will be loyal and automatically share and work hard towards implementing the EMB’s values: it needs to support and generate this loyalty and professionalism. There are many organisational values and policies that could be implemented by an EMB to assist this, including the following:

• treating employees with honesty, fairness, and respect and outlawing any form of discrimination against particular employees or groups of employees;
• fostering a culture of cooperation, teamwork, and trust among staff, with a safe work environment for all;
• designing staff conditions of service and salaries which are commensurate with those in other sectors, including the private sector;
• training and developing staff to enable them to enhance and diversify their skills so as to enable them to qualify for promotion especially within the EMB;
• encouraging staff to become professional electoral administrators and to align their interests with those of the EMB;
• involving staff in the organisation and planning of their work;
• developing formal and informal arrangements by which the EMB’s management seeks and seriously considers staff views on the EMB’s activities;
• maintaining information flows within the EMB, including organising regular meetings to brief staff on external and internal developments which may affect their work and future;
• familiarising staff with staff rules and regulations and the EMB’s vision and mission, through orientation upon appointment and regular follow-up sessions;
• organising social activities, such as sports days, family outings, and year-end parties, in order to engender teamwork and esprit de corps among the staff;
• acknowledging and rewarding unique achievements by staff, such as long service and outstanding performance.
  
  

The EMB needs to make a determined effort to support its staff, instil in them values of professional electoral administration, and respond responsibly to staff needs.

As a socially responsible organisation, the EMB needs to ensure that its policies and practices actively promote the health, safety, and general welfare of its workers, and provide equality of accessibility to its entire staff. Particularly during election periods, when there is intense pressure to complete tasks to deadlines and welfare safeguards may appear of lesser importance, EMB policies and practices need to guard against unreasonably long working hours, unsafe modes of transport, poorly ventilated and weather unprotected venues for polling and counting of votes, and leaving staff in venues where there is no access to clean water and lavatories.

Ensuring equal opportunities for appointment, performance, and promotion for people from all societal groups strengthens the EMB’s relationships both with staff stakeholders and with the wider community. This may include seeking balance in employment opportunities for people from various ethnic groups, or catering for any special needs of employees with disabilities. EMB polices can ensure that gender opportunities are equal, for example through flexible working hours, child care arrangements, mentoring, and staff promotion policies.

Through implementing polices and providing facilities that promote equal opportunities for all EMB staff, the EMB not only maintains a good relationship with a key stakeholder group, but can promote conditions that allow all its workforce to perform to its full potential.

Governmental Model EMBs, and those other EMBs which use civil servants as their staff, may be bound by civil service regulations and polices that may restrict the EMB’s ability to deal in the most appropriate manner with its staff stakeholders. In such EMBs, the relationship with its staff may be more dependent on the EMB management’s attitudes to staff - to values such as fairness, non-discrimination, free and honest information flow or staff consultation mechanisms – than on their ability to provide material benefits.

Executive Branch of Government

There are many reasons for an EMB to promote sound relations with the executive branch of government. The Treasury or Ministry of Finance is often responsible for the EMB’s budget. Governmental Model EMBs need to work within the confines of a line ministry and may need to maintain close relationships with local authorities implementing electoral processes.

In many cases, the EMB, relies on government ministries (and regional EMBs similarly rely on local authorities) for transport and other electoral logistical support, such as premises for polling stations, and on staff seconded from various government agencies to serve as election officials. Approvals from government purchasing agencies or import licensing agencies may be required for essential procurement. EMBs may be subject to audit by the state audit authority, and may also be required to respond to inquiries from the ombudsperson or the anti-corruption agency. The EMB relies on the police force for security and, in some countries, may rely on the armed forces for security and some transport services during electoral events.

Cooperation and coordination will be enhanced if the EMB strives to keep all relevant government ministries and agencies informed about its activities and to consult with them on a regular basis about the services and support it may require from them. It can be useful for there to be a permanent working group or liaison committee involving the EMB and the government agencies on which the EMB relies for provision of resources for electoral events. For Independent Model EMBs, a ministry, such as the Interior Ministry or Ministry of Justice, may be the EMB’s ‘liaison’ ministry for representations to the Cabinet or the legislature, as in Canada.

It is essential that the EMB maintain good liaison with the Treasury, Ministry of Finance, or whichever department is responsible for vetting the EMB’s budget requests and releasing EMB funding. Unless this department is familiar with the EMB’s programs, their importance to democratic governance, and the time-critical nature of the EMB’s funding requirements, it may not recognise the importance of funding some EMB activities – such as voter education – or the need to make funds available to the EMB well before the date of an electoral event. Formal arrangements between the EMB and this ministry on how and when the EMB’s funds are to be released may be necessary, and their negotiation can be easier if relationships between this department and the EMB have been well-maintained. An important factor in this relationship is that the Treasury or Ministry of Finance has confidence in the budgeting, accounting, financial control, and reporting systems implemented in the EMB.

Arrangements for the EMB chair or members to make courtesy calls on government leaders, including the head of state, in order to create awareness about the EMB’s programs and the challenges it may face, such as financial or logistical constraints, will raise the EMB’s profile with its government stakeholders. Where the head of state must assent to legislation before it is promulgated, it is important that the EMB make him or her aware of any urgency in finalising electoral law amendments. The EMB may also find it useful to involve the head of state or senior ministers in high-profile public EMB events funded by the government, such as the launch of major voter education programs or the announcement of purchases of equipment.

The Legislature – An EMB Stakeholder

The legislature is the body which would usually be responsible for making laws, including electoral laws, and it may also approve the government budget and scrutinize all public accounts, including those of the EMB. In many countries, the EMB is required by law or convention to submit election reports and also annual reports to the legislature.

Maintaining a good relationship with the legislature enables the EMB to put forward its budget proposals and reports knowing that they will be dealt with by a body that has some understanding of its activities.

In Australia, for example, there is a special committee of parliament that deals with all issues that affect the EMB, while in Namibia, the speaker of parliament handles all matters relating to the EMB, including the tabling of its budget. In both cases, it is important that the EMB have regular consultations with the relevant offices or committees to brief them on issues of mutual interest and also to provide them with copies of relevant EMB documents.

In some countries, such as Costa Rica and Uruguay, the EMB has the power to propose amendments to the electoral law. In countries such as Canada and Palestine, the EMB may make recommendations for amend¬ments to electoral laws, while in others, this is done by a line ministry or a government office. EMBs may play a particularly important role in the development of the electoral legal framework in emerging democracies. It is advisable for the EMB to liaise with the legislature to sensitize it about electoral reform needs and the importance of amendments to electoral laws being passed long enough before an electoral event to allow the EMB to make appropriate prepara¬tions. There are numerous examples of delays in law-making, as in Malawi in 1997, arising from lack of understanding or cooperation between the legislature and the EMB or between the legislature and the head of state, which affected electoral performance.

Electoral Dispute Resolution Bodies

The EMB may have to deal with electoral dispute resolution bodies that may have powers to deal with issues such as challenges to EMB decisions, disputes between the EMB and other stakeholders such as political parties, legality of content of EMB regulations, or challenges to the election results announced by the EMB. These bodies may be judicial, quasi judicial, or less formal conciliation bodies. Their decisions can greatly affect the activities and public perceptions of the EMB.

General openness with these bodies – including ensuring that they are well informed on all EMB activities and decisions through regular meetings, receive all EMB publications, and are invited to inspect EMB operations – can assist in maintaining a good relationship. This needs to be done in a manner that does not, and does not appear to, impinge on the independence of decision-making of either the EMB or the dispute resolution body.

Of critical importance is that the EMB be professional and cooperative in any investigations of electoral disputes by these bodies. It will be difficult to maintain a good relationship if the EMB is obstructive of a dispute resolution body’s access to relevant electoral materials or sites, if it lobbies to limit the powers of such bodies, or if its presentation of evidence on disputes is not professional.

The Judicial System

Many components of the judicial system may interact with EMB activities. EMBs may need the cooperation of police and prosecuting authorities in investigating alleged electoral offences, and need to appear before the criminal justice or administrative court systems for any resulting court action. The EMB, or its members or staff, may be subject to judicial investigation or civil litigation, and EMB administrative policies and practices may be subject to challenges in tribunals.

General openness with these bodies – including ensuring that they are well informed on all EMB activities and decisions through regular meetings, receive all EMB publications, and are invited to inspect EMB operations – can assist in maintaining a good relationship. This needs to be done in a manner that does not, and does not appear to, impinge on the independence of decision-making of either the EMB or the judicial system. Of critical importance is that the EMB is professional, accessible, and cooperative in any investigations or dealings with the wider judicial system.

Election Monitors and Observers

Both election monitors (who have power to intervene and rectify any shortcoming in the electoral process, such as the UN in Namibia in 1989) and election observers (who do not have powers to intervene and must only report what they have seen, for example domestic organisations’ observer missions and international observers from organisations such as the EU, AU, OAS, and OSCE) are critical players in the electoral process. Their primary role is to assess the quality of the electoral process and to determine whether elections have been free and fair (or meet some other agreed measure of acceptability) or not. The role of election monitors and observers is more critical in a highly polarised society where there is a need for an independent voice to generate consensus among political players on the rule of electoral game including the acceptance of election results.

It is important that the EMB create and sustain a good relationship with monitors and observers, based on a sustainable and well-developed strategy. This could include the development of observer briefing packs or manuals which could cover issues such as the observers’ code of conduct, extracts from the electoral laws on registration, voting, ballot counts, etc. The briefing pack could also include lists of polling stations, counting stations, EMB contact addresses including those of local electoral managers, all political parties and observer organisations, information on emergency services, such as police and hospitals, and also general information about the country.

The EMB could organise observer pre-election briefings (some weeks before voting day) especially for long term domestic observers and international observers who are already in the country. A further round of observer briefings could be arranged some days before voting day, whenever most domestic and short term international observers are ready for deployment. Such briefings could cover issues about

• the EMB’s state of readiness for elections,
• the legal framework for the election,
• its logistics plan for voting,
• counting and announcement of results;
• issues of security;
• the EMB relationships with political parties, media, government, and civil society; and
• the rules governing observer activities and behaviour.

Monitors and observers that are well-informed about the electoral process in general and the EMB operations in particular are less likely to make incorrect conclusions about the performance of the EMB and the quality of the elections as a whole.

It is increasingly becoming a common practice for EMBs to invite political parties and civil society to attend observer briefings so that these stakeholders can brief observers about their impressions of the EMB’s preparedness for elections. The EMB needs to carefully consider the advantages of doing this against potential disadvantages. Some disgruntled politicians or other electoral participants may use this forum for electioneering purposes and to attack the EMB, even when such attacks are unwarranted.

The Media – An EMB Stakeholder

The media, both print and electronic, both public and private, is a key ally of the EMB in informing the public about its mandate and operations and also in informing and educating voters about democracy and elections. Many people read newspapers, watch television and listen to the radio on a daily basis. And those who do this tend to inform others about what they have read, seen, or heard. To take advantage of the opportunities the media provides, the EMB needs a media relations strategy that promotes regular positive contact with the media and ensures that the media has access to accurate electoral information – including on EMB activities. This strategy will also assist the EMB to counter any negative publicity in the media about its activities.

There are some common elements in implementing a media relations strategy for any EMB, which would include:

• identifying the relevant media and their coverage;
• identifying who are the key people in the various media who can ensure accurate and prominent reporting of EMB activities;
• being proactive and transparent in releasing information to the media;
• ensuring that the information given to the media is clear and easily understandable;
• developing a timetable for providing information so that the media have a steady, accurate flow of information on the EMB’s activities;
• creating one EMB spokesperson for the media and one point of administrative contact within the EMB for the media;
• setting up a Media Centre within the EMB to deal with media issues such as media conferences and releases, media tours of electoral activities, a media room at the EMB, and monitoring media coverage of EMB activities.

Regular EMB contact with the media through media conferences and media releases will build EMB relationships with the media. Media conferences could be at least weekly during election periods and when the need arises at other times. It is advisable that the EMB establish a full-time unit within its structure to assume responsibility for media relations and to appoint a person, preferably somebody with a solid media background and who is well respected in media circles, to serve as the EMB spokesperson.

Apart from sharing news information with the media, the EMB can actively seek to use the media for voter education and information purposes. For example, the voter education unit of the EMB can engage the media to publicize information on issues such as election dates and venues for voter registration. Sometimes, the EMB might be asked to pay for the placement of this information because it is considered as advertisement, while in other cases, it could be disseminated free of charge as a public service. If the EMB does not commit itself to promoting transparent, sound relations between itself and the media, it increases the possibility of media publication of negative stories on EMB activities that may be based on misinformation and can undermine the EMB’s credibility. The media will write about the election, whether the EMB likes it or not. It is therefore in everyone's interest that the material that appears in the media about the EMB be as accurate as possible.

When the EMB informs the media, it informs the public - and a constant flow of information enables the electorate to exercise their democratic rights, as well as retaining their confidence in the whole election process. An EMB can undertake the following activities to promote sound relations with the media, and which also enable the media to fulfil its watchdog role in relation to democracy and electoral issues:

• facilitating training programs for journalists;
• issuing press releases on various electoral issues;
• organising press conferences;
• preparing an information handbook on the elections;
• identifying suitable radio programs for disseminating campaign messages
• monitoring and managing campaign programs to ensure equal treatment of all parties and compliance with the electoral code of conduct;
• identifying suitable radio programs to carry voter education messages;
• establishing and managing press offices for disseminating information to the public; and
• managing the broadcasting of the poll results.

The Electorate As an EMB Stakeholder

The EMB primarily exists to render services to the electorate, and its actions need to show it cares for this major stakeholder. Given the many and wide-ranging tasks the EMB performs on behalf of voters, the EMB needs to keep the electorate informed about its activities and programmes, and seek its views on EMB processes and performance. It is wrong to assume that, since political parties, civil society, and the government are the institutions which by and large represent the electorate, the EMB need only deal with these institutions and can ignore individual voters.

Means of maintaining contact with the electorate could include:

• publicising call centres, mail addresses, or email addresses where the electorate can pose questions to the EMB or make comments about the EMBs operations;
• advertising for public comment or submissions on EMB plans or performance;
• interactive radio or television programming where EMB members or senior staff face questions from voters; and
• regular information meetings where the EMB consults the electorate on issues of electoral reform and the EMB’s performance

Many of these channels can be developed at a local level, with data from the electorate being synthesised and discussed with other major stakeholders, such as political parties and the government, at a national level. Concrete recommendations on electoral reform and improving EMB performance could be formulated from these voter inputs for submission to policy and law-making authorities.

Apart from these direct channels, the EMB can use the media to inform and educate the electorate about elections, and also rely on its own publicity activities – such as print and audiovisual information products, and a regularly updated website - to keep voters in touch with its activities. The existence of professional units within the EMB to deal with media relations and voter information will assist in these efforts. Other means which the EMB can use to maintain sound voter relations include public inquiry desks at all its offices which members of the public can use to obtain information and lodge complaints. The EMB could also set up suggestions or assessment boxes at various strategic places – such as shopping areas or transport hubs - where members of the public can deposit their opinions on the EMB’s performance.

It is important that the EMB respond quickly and accurately to all questions and comments received from the public. A delayed response, or no response, gives the EMB a public image of an inefficient organisation not interested in service to the electorate.

Civil Society Organisations as EMB Stakeholders

Regular consultation with civil society organisations can assist in maintaining good EMB relationships with a wide range of specific interest groups with a stake in the EMB’s activities. These may be organisations focusing on democratic development and electoral reform, governance, combating corruption, women’s empowerment, religious or ethnic tolerance, reforming legal systems, rights for people with disabilities, civic education, public sector reform, or human rights. Regular consultation with these stakeholders, as is practiced in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, and South Africa, will allow their specific needs to be channelled directly to the EMB and the EMB’s programs in their support to be discussed and publicised. EMBs may also build positive relationships with civil society organisations by using them as partners to implement electoral activities, for example in training temporary electoral staff, or in implementing voter education programs.

It is helpful to the EMB to involve these interest groups in its policy formulation discussions. This could be done through mechanisms such as including representatives of a range of civil society organisations on working groups reviewing the electoral legal framework, or through inviting representatives to address or provide submissions to EMB policy committees.

Donor Community – A Key Stakeholder

The key role played by donor agencies in democracy building and electoral assistance around the world makes donor agencies an indispensable partner of many EMBs, especially for those EMBs that rely heavily on donor funding for their elections. The relationship between the EMB and the donor community may differ from country to country, depending on whether the funds are negotiated by and released directly to the EMB or through a government department. There may be a direct bilateral electoral assistance agreement with a donor, or multiple donors’ assistance may be channelled through arrangements such as a UN Trust Fund (as in Indonesia in 2004 and in Liberia the same year) or a UN Basket Fund (as in Haiti and Yemen). In all cases, the EMB needs to ensure that all donor requirements, including budgets, project implementation reports and financial reports, and any requests for access to inspect the EMB’s activities, are met with maximum efficiency and timeliness.

In cases where the EMB negotiates and receives the money directly from a donor agency, and where a direct bilateral relationship between the two partners exists, it is particularly important that the EMB maintain a sound relationship with the donor. The EMB could arrange site visits by the donor to update them on project progress. Donors may require, and certainly appreciate, that the EMB acknowledge donor assistance in its various public relations events, including publications (such as annual reports, training manuals, and posters) and electronic productions (such as radio and television programs).

Regular contact between the EMB and all donor agencies in the country sensitises potential donors to the EMB’s present and future funding needs and allows the EMB to familiarise itself with the various donor funding priorities and requirements. One way to achieve donor involvement in EMB activities is to organise roundtables where donor representatives and other interested parties, such as civil society, government, and political parties, are invited to discuss strategies for inter-sectoral cooperation in the areas of democracy and electoral assistance. Donor roundtables can be used as a mechanism for the EMB to report on its progress in electoral administration and use of donor funding.

The EMB can also consider soliciting assistance from the local public and private sector to sponsor various EMB activities such as voter education, election result centres, etc. In South Africa, for example, some municipal authorities expressed keen interest in sponsoring voter registration campaigns. It may be possible to arrange full sponsorship or reduced rates from the local business community for EMB needs such as vehicles, bill board sites, telephone services, and other supplies, as in Namibia. In making any such arrangements, the EMB needs to be careful that it does not appear to be under the influence of or receiving favours from any politically well connected corporate groups.

Secondary EMB Stakeholders

Secondary stakeholders of the EMB are those who, although part of the environment in which the EMB operates, are more loosely connected with the EMB, such as:

EMB suppliers

While, on the one hand, the EMB is a service provider to the various customers who are its primary stakeholders, it is itself a customer to many other service providers. Just as the EMB’s actions affect its primary stakeholders, the actions of the EMB’s service providers also affect the EMB. The EMB needs to ensure that suppliers’ actions do not adversely affect its performance or image.

The EMB relies on many suppliers, such as those who supply products such as technology equipment, vehicles, election materials, and services such as consulting, cleaning, security, and transportation. Unless the EMB maintains good working relations with these suppliers, its activities may be adversely affected by suppliers who either do not keep deadlines or who supply sub-standard products and services.

The following are steps which an EMB can take to maintain good relations with its suppliers:

• ensuring transparency, professionalism, and efficiency in the invitations for expressions of interest to supply goods and services;
• sharing information with suppliers and prospective suppliers on the EMB’s values, such as strict adherence to integrity, dignity, professionalism, and efficiency. This information may foster suppliers’ trust and goodwill in tendering for EMB goods and services;
• arrange suppliers’ information forums to discuss EMB-suppliers’ concerns and to formulate mutually workable solutions to such concerns; and
• paying suppliers within the deadlines contractually agreed.

In some countries, standard terms of supply are receipt of payment within 30 days after products or services have been satisfactorily delivered, while in others the period is shorter. Late payments by the EMB, especially for large contracts, can adversely affect a supplier’s financial position. This can lead not only to bad publicity for the EMB, but may make suppliers less willing to participate in future tenders or contracts to the EMB, or make them raise prices, in order to cover expected costs of late payment.

The public at large

The EMB’s various constituents include the general public. As an organisation promoting democratic values and improved governance, the EMB has responsibilities to be a good corporate citizen.

In its external and internal working relationships, the EMB has a responsibility to be a good-practice model of the values that it represents: such as democratic decision-making processes; respect for rule of law; non-intimidatory practices; honesty and incorruptibility; transparency; accessibility for all societal groups, including those marginalised through disability, illiteracy, remoteness, and similar disadvantages; and promotion of gender balance.

An EMB can seek to develop programmes of social responsibility through ploughing back into the community the skills, knowledge, and other resources at its disposal. It could sponsor media campaigns promoting issues such as women’s empowerment and civic education, and against violence, fraud, and manipulation. As a socially responsible organisation, the EMB could share its technology with other public institutions, and donate funds or second its staff to assist in other public social projects such as population census, campaigns on violence against women and children, immunisation campaigns, and HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns.

Good corporate citizenship also demands that the EMB design policies and practices which are environmentally friendly and do not cause pollution and other environmental hazards. It also means that the EMB strives to promote actions and policies which do not present health hazards to the general public: for example, using poorly ventilated or weather unprotected venues as voter registration venues or polling stations, or using venues which lack access to clean water and lavatories. The EMB needs also have the safety of the public in mind when determining polling station sites and, where lives are likely to be threatened by violent incidents, the EMB needs to be ready to discontinue polling in order to protect lives and property.

Regional and international networks

Over and above its local stakeholders, the EMB has other stakeholders who do not form part of its immediate environment but which have a bearing on its policies and programmes. EMBs’ linkages with the international community have become more emphasised over the last few years following intensified international cooperation in the area of democracy and electoral assistance. The creation of regional and international electoral networks over the last few years has opened up opportunities for EMBs to meet regularly at conferences and workshops and to undertake study visits and other joint projects. Regional electoral networks which regularly bring EMBs together include the AAEA, ACEEEO, PIANZEA, and SADC ECF [spell all out]. Such contacts and networking expose EMBs to innovations and good electoral practices, present opportunities for partnerships in sharing knowledge and materials and in the processes of peer review and evaluation, and have triggered electoral reforms in many countries.

Other regional groupings such as OAS, Council of Europe, AU, ECOWAS, SADC, and OSCE also set standards and norms for democratic elections which member countries are encouraged to adopt. A good example is the SADC Heads of State Principles on Democratic Elections of August 2004, which were used by election observers as the yardstick to judge the 2005 Zimbabwean elections. In seeking to comply with the spirit of these new norms, the Zimbabwean government set up an ‘independent’ EMB; introduced one-day polling and translucent ballot boxes; and counted the votes at the polling stations.

International treaties and conventions also have an influence on EMB operations. For example, the 1948 UN Declaration on Human Rights provides for the EMB to ensure that elections are conducted in a manner that reflects the will of the people and guarantees the legitimacy of elected governments to rule in the name of the citizenry. The 1952 Covenant on Political Rights of Women also compels the EMB to guarantee that women are entitled to vote and be voted for and also to eradicate all forms of discrimination against women.

Such international and regional instruments have in the recent past served as the basic yardstick for assessing the quality of elections and have been widely used by election observers. Therefore, an EMB that seeks to maintain a good reputation needs to align its practices and policies with internationally recognised principles, and be aware of global trends in electoral management.

International and regional instruments are a basic yardstick for assessing the quality of elections and have been widely used by election observers. The Global Declaration of Principles and Code of Conduct for International Electoral Observation, adopted by the United Nations and by global and regional organisations in October 2005, is an example. An EMB that seeks to maintain a good reputation needs to align its practices and policies with internationally and regionally recognized principles, and be aware of global trends in electoral management.

Managing Relationships With Stakeholders

It is important that the EMB first and foremost identify and profile its stakeholders and determine their stake in the electoral process. How much attention needs to be paid to any stakeholder will depend on the level of interest a stakeholder has in the electoral process, combined with the level of influence or power the stakeholder can exert on the EMB. The combined power, influence, and interest of a stakeholder can be referred to as the stakeholder value to the EMB’s policies and practices.

An EMB’s strategy for dealing with each individual stakeholder will also be guided by the attitude of each stakeholder towards the EMB.

For example, if a stakeholder is supportive of the EMB’s policies and practices, the EMB may find it useful to involve it in many of its activities as possible, though this would not be appropriate where stakeholder involvement could damage an EMB’s independence of action. If a stakeholder is marginal, and has little influence on EMB policies, the EMB needs to monitor it and keep it informed of the EMB’s activities, but may not need to invest too much effort to involve it. Where the EMB identifies a wholly unsupportive stakeholder, it will need to analyse that stakeholder’s potential intentions and reactions to EMB activities and develop an appropriate defence strategy.

Once the EMB has identified and profiled each stakeholder, it should design and develop an appropriate strategy for promoting sound relations with each stakeholder group, based on the level of the stakeholder value. The degree to which a particular stakeholder’s loyalty and support - or lack of it - will affect the EMB operations will affect the nature and magnitude of the EMB’s effort to win and maintain this stakeholder’s loyalty and support.

For example, political parties in general are high interest/high power stakeholders in elections. If a significant political party rejects an election’s result due to its distrust in the way the election was conducted by the EMB, the EMB may come under attack – let alone the potential ensuing disruption of society. Thus, the relationship with political parties is an important one for the EMB to take very seriously, and invest considerable effort to win their trust and support. On the other hand, the EMB may not need to be so focused on its relationships with low interest/low power stakeholders with a peripheral interest in its activities. Unemployed youth are a stakeholder group as they could potentially be employed by the EMB as temporary staff, and may accuse the EMB of lack of social awareness if the EMB draws its additional staff from the ranks of the already employed, such as civil servants. However the lesser influence of the unemployed, and the time-limited nature of the EMB’s potential interaction with them, means that the EMB need not invest the same continuous effort into its relationship with them, as with higher interest/higher influence stakeholders.

Principles of Stakeholder Management

The following are principles, called ‘Clarkson Principles’, which are used in the corporate world for stakeholder management. They have been cited here with some slight modifications to fit the EMB’s context. Good relationship between the EMB and its stakeholders can be maintained through the EMB:

• acknowledging and actively monitoring the concerns of all legitimate stakeholders, and taking their interests appropriately into account in decision-making and operations;
• listening to and openly communicating with stakeholders about their respective concerns and contributions, and about the risks that they assume because of their involvement with the EMB;
• adopting processes and modes of behaviour that are sensitive to the concerns and capabilities of each stakeholder constituency;
• recognising the interdependence of efforts and rewards among stakeholders, and attempting to achieve a far distribution of the benefits and burdens of EMB activities among them, taking into account their respective risks and vulnerabilities;
• working cooperatively with other entities, both public and private, to ensure that risks and harms arising from the EMB’s activities are minimized and, where they cannot be avoided, appropriately compensated
• avoiding activities that might jeopardize inalienable human rights (such as the right to vote) or give rise to risks which, if clearly understood, would be patently unacceptable to relevant stakeholders
• acknowledging the potential conflict in EMB members and staff between a) their own role as EMB stakeholders, and b) their legal and moral responsibilities for the interests of all stakeholders, and addressing such conflicts through open communication, appropriate reporting, incentive systems and, where necessary, third-party review.

How To Deal With Difficult Stakeholders

Not all stakeholders will be well disposed to the EMB. Some may be difficult for reasons that are legitimate, such as the EMB’s failure to treat them with fairness, respect, and impartiality. Others may simply be difficult for reasons such as personality clashes, past misunderstandings, or seeking political advantage. It is common for some candidates and political parties to threaten to boycott or withdraw from elections citing EMB incompetence or partisanship, or to blame the EMB whenever they have lost an election. This may occur because the EMB has not fulfilled its mandate to be fair and impartial, because of actions by bodies beyond the control of the EMB, or because of lack of public support for these political parties or candidates.

The EMB may need to decide whether it is wise to deal directly or indirectly with a difficult stakeholder, or whether to be on the offensive or defensive in dealing with this stakeholder. If a small political party with little following announces that it is boycotting an election, the EMB may decide to restate its position publicly and monitor the situation. If a large and influential party decides to boycott an election, the EMB may need to seek mediation by a third party. There may be advantage in approaching the courts for a binding determination if the differences between the EMB and a stakeholder relate to the interpretation of the law.

Liaison structures, such as working groups with civil society or suppliers, committees of the legislature, or political party liaison committees, may be useful in reducing or resolving differences between the EMB and its stakeholders. When a large majority in the liaison group supports the EMB’s views, the dissenting views of a difficult stakeholder may be muted or stifled. On the other hand, when a large majority in the liaison group supports the ‘difficult’ stakeholder, the EMB can recognize that it is not dealing with a ‘difficult’ stakeholder but with common perceptions of its performance.

Where differences between the EMB and a difficult stakeholder are nearly irreconcilable, the EMB can resort to a strategy of defending itself against attack. Media releases and appearances by the EMB’s spokesperson on news and other programmes, and other publicity opportunities such as the EMB’s web site, can be used to clarify the EMB’s position, so that the public understands the EMB’s side of the story. The EMB may seek to publicize areas of agreement, rather than emphasizing areas of difference, to demonstrate that the EMB can work with a difficult stakeholder.

By ensuring that it is irreproachable in all its conduct by maintaining a high level of transparency, impartiality, dignity, integrity, professionalism, service, and efficiency in all its dealings with stakeholders, the EMB can construct a good defence against detractors.

Summary: EMB Stakeholder Relationships

• An EMB's stakeholders are those groups who affect or are affected by the EMBs actions, and to which it is accountable. Primary stakeholders include institutions such as legislatures, political parties, the executive branch of government, the EMB’s staff, voters, the media, civil society, various components of judicial systems, election observers, and donors. Secondary, more loosely affiliated, stakeholders include suppliers and the general public.
• An EMB needs to treat all stakeholders fairly, and maintain regular two-way communication and consultation with them. Methods may include meetings to consult or discuss policy, provision of media briefings, inclusion of stakeholders in EMB activities and training, and wide distribution of EMB reports.
• EMB-initiated communication and consultation with stakeholders may be on issues such as strategic plans, election timetables and processes, electoral reforms, and voter education needs. Transparency, professionalism, and reliability in an EMB’s regular communications with stakeholders promote confidence in the EMB and the electoral process.
• An EMB culture needs to be responsibly sensitive to stakeholder needs and expectations. Relationships with stakeholders require active management by the EMB, to promote goodwill and EMB credibility. The attention which an EMB pays to a particular stakeholder will vary with its importance and power.
• Despite an EMB's best efforts, it may have to deal with difficult stakeholders. EMBs need to decide whether to deal directly with these – such as through liaison committees with a wide membership of stakeholders -- or indirectly -- using other institutions such as courts for arguments over legislative interpretations.
• An EMB may need to take defensive action to protect its reputation, using the media and other publicity opportunities to explain its side of any difference with stakeholders. An EMB’s best defence is a high standard of professionalism, integrity, and service in all its conduct.