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The social and political exclusion of minorities and marginalized groups creates the potential for conflict. A minority is a group of people sharing an ethnic, cultural, religious and/or linguistic identity that is distinct from that of the majority of the population. One of the main characteristics of minorities is that they are usually in a non-dominant position. The term minority may also refer to groups of the population that are marginalized by their political affiliation, their sexual orientation or even their physical capacities.[1]
The exclusion of a minority or marginalized group from political processes often creates a context characterized by strong incentives for violence.[2] In addition, the characteristics associated with these groups, be it ethnicity, religious beliefs, language, age, geographical location or sexual preferences, have often been used to further stigmatize and alienate them before, during and after elections.[3] The mobilization of ethnic hatred by political elites is an all-too frequent example in this respect.[4]
Empirical cases:
[1] Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Minority Rights: International Standards and Guidance for Implementation (New York/Geneva: United Nations, 2010), pp. 2–3, available at <http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/MinorityRights_en.pdf>, accessed 12 July 2011.
[2] Ibid., pp. 13–16.
[3] Laakso, Liisa, ‘Insights into Electoral Violence in Africa’,pp. 224–52.
[4] Wilkinson, Steven I., Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 1–2.
[5] Schatz, Joseph J., ‘Zambian Hopeful Takes a Swing at China’, Washington Post, 25 September 2006, available at <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/24/AR2006092400915.html>, accessed 12 July 2011; and Haglund, Dan, ‘Regulating FDI in Weak African States: A Case Study of Chinese Copper Mining in Zambia’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 46/4 (2008), p. 556.
[6] ‘Overseas and Under Siege’, The Economist, 11 August 2009, available at <http://www.economist.com/node/14207132>, accessed 12 July 2011.
[7] Ibid.; and Schatz, ‘Zambian Hopeful Takes a Swing at China’.
[8] European Union Election Observation Mission, Zambia 2006, ‘Final Report [on the 28 September tripartite elections]’, Lusaka, November 2006, p. 19, available at <http://eeas.europa.eu/human_rights/election_observation/zambia/final_report_en.pdf>, accessed 17 February 2012.
[9] Ibid., p. 3.
[10] IRIN Africa, ‘Ghana: Police Gear Up to Prevent Election Violence’, IRIN, Accra, 21 November 2008, available at <http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=81613>, accessed 13 July 2011.
[11] Jockers, Heinz et al., ‘The Successful Ghana Election of 2008: A Convenient Myth?’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 48/1 (February 2010), pp. 96, 101, 105; IRIN Africa, ‘Ghana: Pre-Election Violence and Irregularities Worry Watchdogs’, Accra, 7 August 2008, available at <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=79703>, accessed 13 July 2011; and IRIN Africa, ‘Ghana: Pre-Election Violence Escalates’, IRIN, Accra, 9 September 2008, available at <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=80250>, accessed 13 July 2011.
[12] Collier, Paul and Vicente, Pedro C., ‘Violence, Bribery, and Fraud: The Political Economy of Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa’, Public Choice, 2010, pp. 43–4, available at <http://www.pedrovicente.org/theory.pdf>, accessed 13 July 2011.
[13] IRIN Africa, ‘Ghana: Pre-election Violence and Irregularities Worry Watchdogs’; and Jockers et al., ‘The Successful Ghana Election of 2008’, p. 8.
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