The regulation of parties and candidates is greatly affected by the social and political context within which elections take place. It is useful to distinguish a wide variety of influences.
Social Influences versus Political Influences
There is a long-standing debate among political scientists about the relative influence of each country's political rules and social structure on the number of political parties and the way they operate.
For example, countries on the Continent of Europe have multi-party systems whereas Britain, the United States, and some countries in the former British Commonwealth have what approximate to two-party systems. Does this result from the political rules in these two sets of countries - namely, that the British and U.S. systems have been based on single-member, first-past-the-post electoral systems, while Continental European countries have tended to have systems of proportional representation? Or does Continental multi-partism result from social factors - particularly from the social fragmentation in these countries according to language, religion, as well as class divisions?
For the purposes of a study of the regulation of parties and elections, the details of this debate are less important than the common-sense conclusion that both social and political factors are important.
For example, in first-past-the-post systems, regulations will tend to involve individual candidates for legislative office rather than political parties. This is because elections take the form of a set of contests in single-member electoral districts. Under proportional representation, elections are primarily a contest between parties. Hence, parties will need to be registered, and their central and regional organizations will tend to have a greater influence over the selection of candidates.
Political institutions have other effects on the regulation of elections. If elections are held at fixed times, their administration will be different than if elections may be called at relatively short notice by the government of the day. For instance, the imposition and administration of spending limits on candidates and on parties will pose different problems according to whether
or not there are fixed term parliaments. Obviously, regulation will also be affected by whether or not there are presidential as well as legislative elections. And so on.
There are also important social influences on the tasks of administration and regulation. Some of these are as basic as the question of population density. In Canada, parties and elections must be administered both in major concentrations of population, such as Toronto, and in the remote and vast areas of the far North, where one voter may live hours, or days, away from the nearest polling station. Other significant social factors include language (does the electorate consist of speakers of one language, or of several separate language groups?); and modes of communication (postage versus telephone versus broadcasting versus door-to-door canvassing as means of reaching voters and party members).
The simple conclusion is that regulations must relate to the political rules, as well as the social context of each country where they are to be applied. Regulations that work well in one country may not be suited to another.
Stages of Economic Development
Research by S. M. Lipset and others has indicated that democracy is more likely to exist and to work well in countries where the level of economic development is relatively high. Certainly, it seems reasonable to argue that democratic institutions are likely to operate more easily in countries in which levels of literacy and education are relatively high, and these tend to be the richer countries. See also Historical Review.
However, this argument needs to be treated with considerable caution. Neither an advanced economic infrastructure nor a developed educational system is necessary for a successful democracy. Nor are they any guarantee of democracy. Some of the twentieth century's greatest tyrannies have existed in 'advanced' nations - Hitler's Nazi regime in Germany is the most notorious example. By contrast, the world's largest democracy - India - is a poor country.
Apart from economic development, the social traditions of a country concerning such issues as tolerance are significant.
Violence and Ethnic Hatreds
The operation of democratic institutions is understandably much harder if there are deep-seated social divisions, and if there is an atmosphere of violence. To give a simple example, political parties are capable of playing important roles in the administration of elections by arranging for party representatives to be present at each polling station to report any possible breach of the rules or any cheating. Yet, it will be difficult for an opposition party to recruit poll watchers in districts where citizens fear for their safety and their livelihoods if they openly assist that party.
Similarly, laws about the disclosure of political donations are reasonable and arguably beneficial in many countries. But such laws will act as a deterrent to legitimate contributions in countries where citizens are, with good cause, frightened to identify themselves publicly as supporters of an unpopular party.
These examples are not intended to suggest that it is impossible, or that it is always wrong, to try to hold elections in violent situations. What they suggest is that rules in such conditions must be adapted to take account of them. For
instance, if it is virtually impossible to devise a fair system to regulate political donations, an alternative regulatory strategy may be to ensure that the rival parties and candidates have fair access to television. In addition, conditions of deep-rooted conflict may call for codes of conduct see Codes of Conduct for Political Parties, or international assistance.
Social Conditions and Electoral Fraud
The social conditions that prevail in a country are likely to influence decisions about anti-corruption measures versus measures to encourage political participation. If the dangers of electoral fraud are believed to be insignificant, then it is rational to take decisions about electoral registration and similar matters that will promote a maximum degree of participation.
For instance, 'election day registration' (i.e. rules that permit electors to vote even if they have not been included on the voters' rolls beforehand) will allow people to cast their ballots who would otherwise have been unable to do so. The problem with 'election day registration' is that it is hard to check the credentials of those turning up at a polling station and claiming the right to vote. Certainly, it becomes impossible for representatives of political parties to enter objections to particular would-be voters and for the
administrative authorities to rule on the objections. Therefore, 'election day registration' is poorly suited to conditions where there are realistic suspicions about the possibilities of significant voting frauds.
The impact of social conditions on electoral administration is seen in the variations between the rules within the United Kingdom governing elections in Northern Ireland - an area affected by violence, ethnic tensions, and a reputed history of electoral frauds - and elections in England, Scotland, and Wales. Here, fewer precautions are seen to be necessary.
Using Appropriate Technologies
Some technologies are easily applied in virtually all countries. A conference held in Manila in January 1997, and jointly organized by the International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), demonstrated that some advanced technologies were already in use in relatively 'undeveloped' nations. In 1997, for instance, the computerization of electoral registers was more advanced in the Philippines than in Britain.
Nevertheless, some other Western technologies are inappropriate. For instance, the postal services within a considerable number of countries are unable to reach the entire population or even a high percentage of it. An overseas consultant who visited a West African country and lectured political party officials on the use of direct mail techniques of communication and fund-raising developed in Western countries, was told by one local official that 'if I write a letter to my mother who lives 100 miles from the capital, it may take four months to reach her.' In much of Africa, as well as parts of the Caribbean, the application of modern computer techniques still proves impractical.
Many communities lack electricity, telephones, and even radios. In another, possibly mythical case, an Asian development agency gave a set of fax machines to political organizers in a territory in the South Pacific. Upon discovering six months later that these machines had remained unused, members of the donor agency made inquiries and discovered that the faxes had not been used because the islands to which they had been sent did not have any telephone services.
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