The status, function, and activity of an election management body (EMB), as with any arm of
government, is influenced by the social and political context within which it operates: the level of
political stability, its literacy rates, urbanisation, population, mobility, affluence, and many others.
The ethical principles of election administration should, nevertheless, be capable of being fulfilled
whatever the economic, social and political conditions. If they are not, the very basis of the
democratic process will be brought into question.
In established democracies, administration and management of elections is often carried out by
officials of the national or local government, and disputes are settled in ordinary courts. Traditions
of fairness and neutrality mean that both the EMB and the courts enjoy the confidence and respect
of the participants in the electoral process. For a summary of differing systems of election
management, see Free and Fair Elections: International Law and Practice, by Professor
Guy Goodwin-Gill. The context of election management also included a country's history. Many
developing countries have electoral systems based on the electoral law of former colonial powers;
many countries in Africa, especially, can show direct linkage to the legislation of the former
colonial power. In other cases, traditional methods of decision making that have been handed
down for hundreds or even thousands of years will influence people's perceptions of the electoral
process and should be taken into consideration by legislators and election officials.
The ability of the EMB to discharge its functions is also critically dependent on the social context
of the country. A number of factors are tied to the EMB's functions, including literacy rates, costs
and availability of local labour, electricity, and other utility supplies. These factors affect the
following considerations:
- voter registration
- voter education
- use of computerisation
- procurement of supplies
- security
Voter education is particularly influenced by literacy. In countries with low literacy rates, the use
of party symbols has had a significant impact in making the campaign and the voting process more
easily understood by the electorate. See Literacy and Schooling for further discussion of the impact of literacy
levels on voter education activities.
If there is no electricity, or an undependable supply, or poor broadcasting facilities, information for
voters must be disseminated by means other than radio or television. Election managers may need
to set up their own radio network for administrative purposes, using shortwave radios to link local,
regional, and national election offices, if telephone service is unavailable or unreliable.
Computerisation can take a great deal of the monotonous routine out of election work, improve the
flow of management information, and improve the speed of the whole process. To work
effectively, though, computer systems need a guaranteed power supply (to the point that even large
back-up generators are usually advisable as a cautionary measure) and a trained workforce. The
cost of the computer system, including all the related equipment, must be measured against the
cost of employing and training as necessary a local work force to meet the needs of the election
management body.
The procurement of supplies is an area in which there are more and more companies able to
supply ever more highly specialized equipment and supplies, at a cost. Local suppliers may be able
to supply many items, such as voting screens, at the best final cost if realistic specifications are set.
In some places, voting screens are simply pieces of fabric tacked across the corner of a room.
The social and political context is especially relevant in any consideration of election security. In
some countries, the military or police are seen as allies of the civilian population in an ongoing
struggle against terrorists, and their participation in the electoral process is therefore welcomed by
the people. Elsewhere, the voters may perceive any military involvement in the electoral
process even in the delivery of equipment and supplies to be almost sure evidence of an intent
to defraud the process, in which case other measures may be needed to ensure the security of the
process.
As Professor Goodwin-Gill points out in Free and Fair Elections,
The
centrality of impartial and trustworthy election machinery is often taken for granted in established
democracies. Few go so far as Costa Rica, for example, which has established its election
commission as the 'Fourth Branch' of government, with funding and terms of membership
guaranteed by the constitution. Whether explicitly or implicitly endorsed, independent and
impartial election management is nevertheless essential in the transition to and consolidation of
representative democracy.7
